General Buhari's take on general elections postponement.

(Below is a press statement from the All Progressive Congress Party regarding General Muhammadu Buhari’s take on the postponement of general elections in Nigeria.)
We Must Remain Calm But Resolute. Following the decision by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to postpone the 2015 general elections by six weeks, I wish to appeal for utmost restraint and calm by all Nigerians, especially the teeming supporters of our great party, the All Progressives Congress (APC).
This postponement, which comes on the heels of  the bogey of the National Security Adviser that half of the registered voters were being disenfranchised was exposed as a crude and fraudulent attempt to subvert the electoral process.
The PDP administration has now engineered a postponement using the threat that security will not be guaranteed across the length and breadth  of Nigeria because of military engagement in some states in the North East.  
It  is important to note that although INEC acted within its constitutional powers, it is clear that it has been boxed into a situation where it has had to bow to pressure. Thus, the independence of INEC has been gravely compromised.
As a Nigerian and a presidential candidate in the elections, I share in the disappointment and frustration of this decision. This postponement coming a week to the first election has raised so many questions, many of which shall be asked in the days ahead.
However, we must not allow ourselves to be tempted into taking actions that could further endanger the democratic process.  
Our country is going through a difficult time in the hands of terrorists. Any act of violence can only complicate the security challenges in the country and provide further justification to those who would want to exploit every situation to frustrate the democratic process in the face of certain defeat at the polls.
If anything, this postponement should strengthen our resolve and commitment to rescue our country from the current economic and social collapse from this desperate band. Our desire for change must surpass their desperation to hold on to power at all cost.  We are clearly dealing with people who feel they can get away with placing their personal interest over those of our nation and its citizens.
What is at stake is the very survival of our country. We must not allow this temporary delay to abort this great opportunity.   While I share the pains and frustrations of my fellow citizens over this development, my deep faith in the democratic process assures me that this country, with your support, will overcome.
We must remain resolute and rise above all provocations. We must continue to trust in the entire democratic process and in INEC, which has been brought under so much pressure in the last few days. Our trust can only serve to encourage the electoral body to remain steadfast and remain committed to the rule of law. 
 I wish to state strongly that our  party will not tolerate any further interference with the electoral process. The rescheduled elections of March 28thand April 11th, 2015 must be sacrosanct.
Nigeria is definitely greater than any of us, and much more important than our individual ambitions. Before us there was Nigeria, and long after we are gone there will still be Nigeria. Let  us continue to do our part to make it thegreat  country that it should be. We must rescue our dear country. God  being on our side, we shall salvage Nigeria together.
God Bless Nigeria! 
Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR
Presidential Candidate of the All Progressives Party, APC.

Nollywood cannot afford to lose Goodluck- Charles Novia writes

Let us admit it – we have never seen any President so besotted with entertainment like Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, especially the movie-making sector. And this is not a satire. Yes, his detractors may point at “weakness” for entertainment as a signpost of an unserious mind frittering the commonwealth on ‘joli-joli’ matters!
Even the opposition may grumble loudly that the lively engagement with the Nollywood is essentially exploitative and window-dressing – to the detriment of more important and critical sectors of the national economy.

However, no one is in doubt that the life and essence the Creative wayfarers was initially ignited by Bayelsa governor, the much maligned Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, immediate boss of GEJ around year 2000. With dizzying state support and elaborate razzmatazz, the duo of Alams and GEJ wallowed in the sudden euphoria of showbiz and the attendant media opulence only comparable to IBB’s romance with PMAN’s ding-a-long of 1989 – 1992 when Tony Okoroji was the majordomo.

It was no surprise GEJ flowed with the momentum when fortune made him supplant Alams as Gov. of Bayelsa in December 2005. Yet, for all his enthusiasm for professional revelries, the make-believe could not have believed their luck when good ol’ providence thrusted GEJ, again, into greater prominence.
In quick succession, he moved from Vice-President to Acting President and eventually President within years! By 2011 when he assumed office, on his own stamina, the Nollywood romance had blown out of the creek waters. The two lovebirds were careering giddily on a thoroughfare peopled with great thespians, gifted producers, immaculate directors and of course a coterie of charlatans and ‘waka-pass’.
With technocrats within the federal service and the movie industry, different modules of foundational interventions were crafted – and cash-backed like never before. Millions of naira were mentioned, which ballooned, to the consternation of nay-sayers, to billions of naira in creative “stimulus packages”.
In the past ten years of GEJ’s unstinted romance with a powerful sector of the entertainment community, it is very uncharitable (even for inveterate detractors) to say that Jonathan has not “performed”. You may quarrel with the impact or management of his interventions; you may yap him and his people for mystifying the process and access to the several GEJ interventions in the Artsworld.
You may claim he has lost similar interest or attention to details in other critical sectors of the Nigerian state. However, no ONE can simply dismiss his unprecedented regard, affinity and seeming devotion to the people, practice and promise of Nigeria’s movie-making community and allied sectors. In his six years as President, GEJ has arguably awarded more national honours to our artistes than all the past regimes rolled together!
So, when you hear and see leading lights of Nollywood rooting aggressively for GEJ; when you read famed voices shouting on the roof of their cyper-pages and declaring the ceaseless glory of GEJ; when you read otherwise quiet prima-donnas spit fire and engage in internet-‘gra-gra’ with many of their tele-fans…for the sake of their beloved Moses (Jonathan) – you really must understand and appreciate their position – enlightened self-interest (a completely natural instinct).

They are not ‘bought’, ‘turn-coats’ or ‘ass-licking’ – against their will or legacy. They simply are paying good back to the man who has brought them a load of luck – and thus enhancing their means of livelihood, and embellishing their relevance. No pun intended.

This 2015 presidential election is a watershed for Nollywood. They cannot see anything in the “Change”-troopers to indicate that their groovy-train will go on; GMB has not even for once coughed about any plans for Nollywood, one of the major revelations of the 2014 rebasing parameters! It does appear that GMB does not even know that Nollywood exists – beyond gyrations at campaign rallies!
So, stop yakking at Nollywooders if they have little or no sympathies for GMB – he is disconnected from them in the past decade, at least. And within that same period, GMB’s main opponent has been their God-sent. Most assuredly I say to you: a good friend is difficult to find – and keep; Nollywood can’t afford to lose this Goodluck. God forbid!!

Anti-Buhari Documentary: The Truth You Must Know | By: Usama Dandare

In it last ditch effort to come back at the eminent defeat in the February 14 general election, the PDP presidential campaign has resorted to a campaign of blackmail through documentaries of falsehood to mislead the uninformed Nigerians by discrediting the credible image of General Muhammadu Buhari, the APC presidential flag bearer who is globally acknowledged as an honest man of integrity and good moral authority.
In light of the above, i wish to set records straight for the emphasis of history by countering all their sponsored lies on electronic and printable media against the credibility of the people’s general. The following are some of the lies sponsored by PDP and President Jonathan campaign council to blackmail Gen. Buhari in the eyes of Nigerian voters:
They said, “Gen Buhari introduced religious fundamentalism to Nigeria when the Maitatsine sect unleashed violence on Yola during his regime.”…… The truth is that Buhari actually and promptly stamped the Maitatsine sect during his regime, he used the armed forces to totally crush the sect and stopped their activities, unlike President Jonathan that allowed Boko Haram to gather unimaginable strength and destroyed the whole northeast and it environs.
They again doctored another blunder that “General Buhari was a beneficiary of the missing N2.8bn oil funds when he was the minister of petroleum.”……… The alleged missing N2.8bn oil money was investigated by Justice Ayo Irikefe panel in 1980 and no one made mention of general Buhari in the whole saga and the panel also concluded that no such money was lost.
This baseless lie is just to distract the attention of Nigerians from the missing $20bn oil funds, $1bn excess crude oil money and several other funds all missing under Jonathan regime. General Buhari remains the only Nigerian who was onetime a minister, a state governor and a head of state without a single factory, a foreign bank account, a mansion in Abuja or any country abroad.
They later fabricated another baseless story that “Gen Buhari as head of state protected Governor Auwal Ibrahim of Niger state from prosecution when he was arrested with £14m and several millions of Naira in a suitcase at Heathrow Airport in London, United Kingdom.”……….. There was never a time where anything like this ever happened, it was only in the corrupt imaginations of the Jonathan campaigners that made it is possible to imagine some can carry £14m and several millions of Naira in a single suitcase. What an unprofessional lie!
They birthed a new deceit that “Gen Buhari during his regime imprisoned only southerners and Christians while northerners and Muslims were left untouched.”……….. The truth of the matter is that the people’s general never convicted anyone, a fully constituted tribunals did irrespective of tribe, religion, region or gender provided you are brought before the tribunals, the law will act on you.
The courts during Buhari’s regime imprisoned the former of Kano state, Late Abubakar Rimi, Alh. Sabo Bakin Zuwo, Alh. Bello Maitama Yusuf, late Alh. Adamu Attah, Alh. Ibrahim Gusau, Dr. Bukola Saraki, Dr. Jibrin Tahir, Alh. Bamanga Tukur, Alh. Lawal Kaita among others, can someone tell me that all these influential people above are southerners and Christians?
They concocted that “Gloria Okon, the celebrated drug courier disappeared in detention under the government of General Buhari.”………… The truth is that Gloria Okon was legally arrested and detained for drug trafficking under Buhari’s regime but her “disappearance or death” became an issue in the next regime after overthrowing Buhari’s government.
They again fabricated that “the Kalakuta Republic of musician Fela Kuti was razed down and his mother was killed by the regime of Gen. Buhari.”…………. It’s a lie, Kalakuta republic was bunt in 1978, about six years before Gen. Buhari became the head of state on December 31, 1983. So Gen. Buhari’s regime has nothing to do with the burning of Kalakuta republic nor the death of Fela’s mother.
They also alleged that “Chief Sam Mbakwe, former governor of Imo state ‘died prematurely’ shortly after his release from detention by the government of General Buhari.”……….. The truth is Chief Sam Mbakwe died at the age of 75 in 2004, 19yrs after the regime of Gen. Buhari. Dying at the age of 75 isn’t a premature death and 19yrs can never be a short period.
They said “Chief Bisi Onabanjo, a former governor of Ogun died shortly after his release from prison under Buhari’s administration.”………. Chief Bisi Onabanjo died due to an illness in 1990, 5yrs after the regime of General Buhari and 5yrs is not “shortly after” release.
They cooked another deceit that “there was massive corruption in PTF under the watch of Gen. Buhari as PTF Chairman.”………. Shortly after President Obasanjo took over, he set a panel to investigate corruption allegations against Buhari in the PTF, and Obasanjo himself recently pronounced that nothing was found against Buhari in the outcome of the board of inquiry he set. See the SUN and PUNCH newspapers of January 14, 2015 for more.
Their lies continue that “General Buhari seized the passport of MKO Abiola, the winner of June 12, 1993 presidential election.”………. The truth is that the government of Gen. Buhari didn’t seized the passport of MKO Abiola because his passport was seized by the then present government after June 12, 1993 elections, eight years after Gen. Buhari had left office.
They came up with another grand deceit that “General Buhari sentenced the first woman to firing squad in Nigeria.”………. The truth here is that General Buhari never convicted anyone during his regime, all criminal and civil cases were handled by the court of law with legally constituted tribunals headed by high court judges.
What Buhari did was he didn’t interfere or try to shield criminals from facing the wrath of the law, he believes in the rule of law and fully allowed the judiciary to independently discharge it lawful duties as provided by our constitution.
They came up with a picture of Segun Okonwo as the leader of National Union of Nigerian Students (NANS), saying the picture was taken “when General Buhari as the head of state waged war on Nigerian Students Union.”………. The truth is Segun Okonwo was the leader of NANS in 1978 almost five years before Buhari came into power, Buhari didn’t met Segun as NANS president.
The picture shown in that baseless PDP documentary was captured during the “Ali must go” riot when Nigerian students demanded the removal of Col. Ahmadu Ali (now the DG of President Jonathan campaign) as minister of education for the withdrawal of food subsidy in tertiary institutions.
They said, “Buhari promised to make Nigeria ungovernable if Jonathan wins in the 2011 presidential.”………. The actual truth is Buhari never made such a statement, it was Reuben Abati (president Jonathan’s spokesman) who fabricated this blackmail against the people’s general. Gen. Buhari took Abati to court and the presidency begged Buhari to withdraw the case for an out of court settlement, Buhari agreed and Reuben Abati tendered an unreserved apology to Gen. Buhari and to the general public for misleading them. (See Guardian newspaper of 11th July, 2013 for the apology letter.)
Having failed to blackmail the people’s general as violent, they alleged that “Gen. Buhari promised that ‘the dog and the baboon will all be soaked in blood’ if Jonathan wins the 2011 election.”……….. Gen. Buhari never mentioned anything like this. The General was addressing supporters from Niger state that paid him a visit at his residence in Kaduna, he spoke in Hausa and in the course of his statement, he quoted a popular Hausa proverb “Kare jini biri jini” and all of a sudden, the reporters who covered that event were not Hausa and doesn’t understands Hausa, they just went ahead to translate the proverb as “the dog and the baboon will be soaked in blood” without knowing the full context of the proverb, when in the actual definition it means “the fight will be fierce”.
They again came up with another fabrication that “Buhari asked Nigerian Muslims not to vote for Christian candidates.”…………. Gen. Buhari never said something like that in his whole life. The people’s general gave a speech in Hausa language in 2001 at a launching in Sokoto state, he said “people of Sokoto know themselves and when it’s time for elections, they should vote credible leaders that will protect them and their interest respectively.”
A Yoruba journalist named Ahmed Oyerunde who doesn’t speak or understand Hausa twisted the statement that Buhari said “Muslims should only vote for Muslims” in the next election, the reporter later confessed that he wasn’t at the venue where the event took place and that he doesn’t even understand Hausa language, he equally apologized to Buhari and the general public.
Keep in mind that the reporter, Ahmed Oyerunde have several records of collecting money and coming up with fabricated stories, he was onetime sanctioned by the Nigerian press watchdog for doctoring fake stories as early as 1990.
They said, “former governor of Sokoto state, Alh. Shehu Kangiwa was among those killed by Gen. Buhari’s regime.”…….. This is nothing but a blind and deaf lie. Alh. Shehu Kangiwa died in a horse accident during a polo tournament in 1982 at Kaduna, almost two years before General Buhari became head of state.
It is pertinent to note that very typical of President Jonathan’s administration, the sponsored documentary of falsehood is aimed to cause disaffection among Nigerians along religious, ethnic and regional lines. It is also a deliberate attempt to mislead the younger generation by rewriting our nation’s history for the selfish reason of re-electing President Jonathan.
My dear Nigerians, do not be deceived, the presidential election is about Insecurity, unemployment, Corruption, collapsing infrastructure and our nation’s fast collapsing economy among others. It is all about our lives, about our present and about our future and that of our generations to come. Don’t vote based on religion or ethnicity nor based on sympathy but rather, we should vote based on integrity, honesty, credibility, justice and track record of accountability and good governance.
Note: some part of this article are transcripts extracted from a video footage put together by the Media and publicity committee of the APC presidential council, Abuja

The level of stupidity in supporters of some politicians is beyond comprehension – Etcetera

Stupid is a word that has a broad range of applications, but it generally means a person lacks rudimentary intelligence or the ability to reason. It can also imply a congenital lack of capacity for reasoning, or a permanent state of daze or slow-mindedness. 
However one defines or applies the word stupid, you can hardly think of the word without directly relating it to the utterances of some Buhari’s supporters; especially the supposedly literate ones.

Over the past week, it became apparent that the level of stupidity inherent in those inclined to support certain politicians at all cost is beyond comprehension. In fact, it is frightening that so many Nigerians of voting age lack the fundamental reasoning ability of a second-grader and are even less-informed about basic facts than a kindergarten.
I have heard some of the most bizarre ideas peddled by some Buhari’s supporters and I am really concerned about the future of this country. I have heard troubling statements like: “It really doesn’t matter if Buhari is qualified or not, he must be the next president and we’ll vote for him. Even if he presents a NEPA bill as certificate, we don’t care, we will vote for him. Are these people for real?

To base your position on whatever absurdity your favourite candidate espouses; regardless of reality is the reason why we are in this hell of a nation. These are exactly the type of supporters Nigerian politicians bank on to win elections. These goons should know that in a democratic system, we live by the constitution and the Nigerian constitution in section 131 (d) gives a specific order for all presidential candidates to show proof of education up to a minimum standard not below school certificate or its equivalent.
If Buhari doesn’t have the required qualification, he should be disqualified immediately or if it is proven that his certificate or result was doctored or forged, he should be arrested and charged to court for deception.
Attahiru Jega and his INEC got us into this embarrassing position. How can someone refer INEC to the Secretary of the Military Board for his credentials when it is stated clearly that every contestant should attach copies of their qualification to their forms? INEC is a joke. If elections are conducted like job interviews, can the applicant direct his would-be employers to his previous work place for his credentials? Won’t the applicant be chased off the premises with a stick or security dogs?

How do we bring about the clamoured “change” in the nation when we can’t treat the nation’s business as ours? Nobody is saying you shouldn’t support Buhari or any candidate of your choice but it shouldn’t be based on sentiments of any kind.
The other day, a radio presenter was screaming like a banshee on radio of how Buhari is a man of great ideas, you shouldn’t be the one telling us what Buhari’s ideas are. As a radio presenter, it is against NBC regulations for any presenter to influence listeners’ votes. Buhari should sell himself convincingly enough to earn their votes. Aren’t we tired of having leaders who can’t sell their ideas themselves? That’s why they haven’t approached the subject of how they are going to revive the economy in any of their campaign speeches?

Let’s not be stupefied into supporting any candidate. We are screaming for a corrupt free nation, yet we are refusing to see that electing someone without the required qualification is as good as endorsing corruption. No one would want to admit that half of this country’s population is inherently stupid, much less ignorant, but at the rate politicians garner votes based on sheer fantasy and lies, there is no other conclusion that makes any sense whatsoever.

One thing is certain; if Nigerian voters were not so stupid, they would not knowingly go against what is right, whether for their personal, ethnic or religious interest. Our politicians know that without stupid people, most of them would be extinct as viable political forces. But they are far from going extinct and it is all down to the level of stupidity permeating this sad ignorant nation

Buhari vs Jonathan: Beyond The Election | By: Charles Soludo

I need to preface this article with a few clarifications. I have taken a long sabbatical leave from partisan politics, and it is real fun watching the drama from the balcony. Having had my own share of public service (I do not need a job from government), I now devote my time and energy in pursuit of other passions, especially abroad. 
A few days ago, I read an article in Thisday entitled “Where is Charles Soludo?”, and my answer is that I am still there, only that I have been too busy with extensive international travels to participate in or comment on our national politics and economy.
But I occasionally follow events at home. Since the survival and prosperity of Nigeria are at stake, the least some of us (albeit, non-partisan) must do is to engage in public debate. As the elections approach, I owe a duty to share some of my concerns.
In September 2010, I wrote a piece entitled “2011 Elections: Let the Real Debate Begin” and published by Thisday. I understand the Federal Executive Council discussed it, and the Minister of Information rained personal attacks on me during the press briefing. I noted more than six newspaper editorials in support of the issues we raised. Beside other issues we raised, our main thesis was that the macro economy was dangerously adrift, with little self-insurance mechanisms (and a prediction that if oil prices fell below $40, many state governments would not be able to pay salaries). 
I gave a subtle hint at easy money and exchange rate depreciations because I did not want to panic the market with a strong statement. Sadly, on the eve of the next elections, literally everything we hinted at has happened. Part of my motivation for this article is that five years after, the real debate is still not happening.
The presidential election next month will be won by either Buhari or Jonathan. For either, it is likely to be a pyrrhic victory. None of them will be able to deliver on the fantastic promises being made on the economy, and if oil prices remain below $60, I see very difficult months ahead, with possible heady collisions with labour, civil society, and indeed the citizenry. To be sure, the presidential election will not be decided by the quality of ‘issues’ or promises canvassed by the candidates. The debates won’t also change much (except if there is a major gaffe by either candidate like Tofa did in the debate with Abiola).
 My take is that more than 95% of the likely voters have pretty much made up their minds based largely on other considerations. A few of us remain undecided. During my brief visit to Nigeria, I watched some of the campaign rallies on television. The tragedy of the current electioneering campaigns is that both parties are missing the golden opportunity to sensitize the citizenry about the enormous challenges ahead and hence mobilize them for the inevitable sacrifices they would be called upon to make soon. Each is promising an El-Dorado.
Let me admit that the two main parties talk around the major development challenges—corruption, insecurity, economy (unemployment/poverty, power, infrastructure, etc) health, education, etc. However, it is my considered view that none of them has any credible agenda to deal with the issues, especially within the context of the evolving global economy and Nigeria’s broken public finance. The UK Conservative Party’s manifesto for the last election proudly announced that all its programmes were fully costed and were therefore implementable. 
Neither APC nor PDP can make a similar claim. A plan without the dollar or Naira signs to it is nothing but a wish-list. They are not telling us how much each of their promises will cost and where they will get the money. None talks about the broken or near bankrupt public finance and the strategy to fix it.
In response to the question of where the money will come from, I heard one of the politicians say that the problem of Nigeria was not money but the management of resources. This is half-truth. The problem is both. No matter how efficient a father (with a monthly salary of N50,000) is at managing the family resources, I cannot see how he could deliver on a promise to buy a brand new Peugeot 406 for each of his three children in a year. Even with all the loopholes and waste closed, with increased efficiency per dollar spent, there is still a binding budget constraint. To deliver an efficient national transport infrastructure alone will still cost tens of billions of dollars per annum even by corruption-free, cost-effective means.
 Did I hear that APC promises a welfare system that will pay between N5,000 and N10,000 per month to the poorest 25 million Nigerians? Just this programme alone will cost between N1.5 and N3 trillion per annum. Add to this the cost of free primary education plus free meal (to be funded by the federal budget or would it force non-APC state governments to implement the same?), plus some millions of public housing, etc.
I have tried to cost some of the promises by both the APC and the PDP, given alternative scenarios for public finance and the numbers don’t add up. Nigerians would be glad to know how both parties would fund their programmes. Do they intend to accentuate the huge public debt, or raise taxes on the soon to-be-beleaguered private businesses, or massively devalue the naira to rake in baskets of naira from the dwindling oil revenue, or embark on huge fiscal retrenchment with the sack of labour and abandonment of projects, and which areas of waste do they intend to close and how much do they estimate to rake in from them, etc?
 I remember that Chief Obafemi Awolowo was asked similar questions in 1978 and 1979 about his promises of free education and free medical services. Even as a teenager, I was impressed by how he reeled out figures about the amounts he would save from various ‘waste’ including the tea/coffee served in government offices. The point is that at least he did his homework and had his numbers and I give credit to his team. Some 36 years later, the quality of political debate and discourse seems to border on the pedestrian.
 From the quality of its team, I did not expect much from the current government, but I must confess that I expected APC as a party aspiring to take over from PDP to come up with a knock-out punch. Evidently, from what we have read from the various versions of its manifesto as well as the depth of promises being made, it does not seem that it has a better offer.
Let me digress a bit to refresh our memory on where we are, and thus provide the context in which to evaluate the promises being made to us. Recall that the key word of the 2015 budget is ‘austerity’. Austerity? This is just within a few months of the fall in oil prices. History repeats itself in a very cruel way, as this was exactly what happened under the Shehu Shagari administration. Under the Shagari government, oil price reached its highest in 1980/81.
 During the same period, Nigeria ratcheted up its consumption and all tiers of government were in competition as to which would out-borrow the other. Huge public debt was the consequence. When oil prices crashed in early 1982, the National Assembly then passed the Economic Stabilization (Austerity Measures) Act in one day— going through the first, second, and third readings the same day. 
The austerity measures included the rationing of ‘essential commodities’ and most states owed salary arrears. Corruption was said to be pervasive, and as Sani Abacha said in that famous coup speech, ‘unemployment has reached unacceptable proportions and our hospitals have become mere consulting clinics’. General Muhammadu Buhari/Tunde Idiagbon regime made the fight against corruption and restoration of discipline the cardinal point of their administration which lasted for 20 months. I am not sure they had a credible plan to get the economy out of the doldrums (although it must be admitted that poverty incidence in Nigeria as of 1985 when they left office was a just46%— according to the Federal Office of Statistics).
We have come full circle. If the experience under Shagari could be excused as an unexpected shock, what Nigeria is going through now is a consequence of our deliberate wrong choices. We have always known that the unprecedented oil boom (in both price and quantity—despite oil theft) of the last six years is temporary but the government chose to treat it as a permanent shock. The parallels with the Shagari regime are troubling. 
First, at the time of oil boom, Nigeria again went on a consumption spree such that the budgets of the last five years can best be described as ‘consumption budgets’, with new borrowing by the federal government exceeding the actual expenditure on critical infrastructure. Second, not one penny was added to the stock of foreign reserves at a period Nigeria earned hundreds of billions from oil. For comparisons, President Obasanjo met about $5 billion in foreign reserves, and the average monthly oil price for the 72 months he was in office was $38, and yet he left $43 billion in foreign reserves after paying $12 billion to write-off Nigeria’s external debt. In the last five years, the average monthly oil price has been over $100, and the quantity also higher but our foreign reserves have been declining and exchange rate depreciating.
I note that when I assumed office as Governor of CBN, the stock of foreign reserves was $10 billion. The average monthly oil price during my 60 months in office was $59, but foreign reserve reached the all-time peak of $62 billion (and despite paying $12 billion for external debt, and losing over $15 billion during the unprecedented global financial and economic crisis) I left behind $45 billion. Recall also that our exchange rate continuously appreciated during this period and was at N117 to the dollar before the global crisis and we deliberately allowed it to depreciate in order to preserve our reserves.
 My calculation is that if the economy was better managed, our foreign reserves should have been between $102 –$118 billion and exchange rate around N112 before the fall in oil prices. As of now, the reserves should be around $90 billion and exchange rate no higher than N125 per dollar.
Third, the rate of public debt accumulation at a time of unprecedented boom had no parallel in the world. While the Obasanjo administration bought and enlarged the policy space for Nigeria, the current government has sold and constricted it. What debt relief did for Nigeria was to liberate Nigerian policymakers from the intrusive conditionalities of the creditors and thereby truly allowing Nigeria independence in its public policy. How have we used the independence? Through our own choices, we have yet again tied the hands of future policymakers. This time, the debt is not necessarily to foreign creditor institutions/governments which are organized under the Paris club but largely to private agents which is even more volatile. We call it domestic debt. But if one carefully unpacks the bond portfolio, what percentage of it is held by foreign private agents? And I understand the Government had removed the speed bumps we kept to slow the speed of capital flight, and someone is sweating to explain the gyrations in foreign reserves. I am just smiling!
In sum, the mismanagement of our economy has brought us once more to the brink. Government officials rely on the artificial construct of debt to GDP ratio to tell us we can borrow as much as we want. That is nonsense, especially for an economy with a mono but highly volatile source of revenue and forex earnings. The chicken will soon come home to roost. Today, the combined domestic and external debt of the Federal Government is in excess of $40 billion. Add to this the fact that abandoned capital projects littered all over the country amount to over $50 billion. No word yet on other huge contingent liabilities. If oil prices continue to fall, I bet that Nigeria will soon have a heavy debt burden even with low debt to GDP ratio. Furthermore, given the current and capital account regime, it is evident that Nigeria does not have enough foreign reserves to adequately cover for imports plus short term liabilities. In essence, we are approaching the classic of what the Shagari government faced, and no wonder the hasty introduction of ‘austerity measures’ again.
Fourth, poverty incidence and unemployment are also simultaneously at all-time high levels. According to the NBS, poverty incidence grew to 69% in 2010 and projected to be 71% in 2011, with unemployment at 24%. This is the worst record in Nigeria’s history, and the paradox is that this happened during the unprecedented oil boom.
One theme I picked up listening to the campaign rallies as well as to some of the propagandists is the confusion about measuring government “performance”. Most people seem to confuse ‘inputs’, or ‘processes’ with output. Earlier this month, I had a dinner with a group of friends (14 of us) and we were chit-chatting about Nigeria. One of us, an associate of President Jonathan veered off to repeat a propaganda mantra that Jonathan had outperformed his predecessors. He also reminded us that Jonathan re-based the GDP and that Nigeria is now the biggest economy in Africa; etc. It was fun listening to the response by others. In sum, the group agreed that the President had ‘outperformed’ his predecessors except that it is in reverse order. First, my friend was educated that re-basing the GDP is no achievement: it is a routine statistical exercise, and depending on the base year that you choose, you get a different GDP figure. Re-basing the GDP has nothing to do with government policy. Besides, as naira-dollar exchange rate continues to depreciate, the GDP in current dollars will also shrink considerably soon.
We were reminded of Jonathan’s agricultural ‘revolution’. But someone cut in and noted that for all the propaganda, the growth rate of the agricultural sector in the last five years still remains far below the performance under Obasanjo. One of us reminded him that no other president had presided over the slaughter of about 15,000 people by insurgents in a peacetime; no other president earned up to 50% of the amount of resources the current government earned from oil and yet with very little outcomes; no other president had the rate of borrowing; none had significant forex earnings and yet did not add one penny to foreign reserves but losing international reserves at a time of boom; no other president had a depreciating exchange rate at a time of export boom; at no time in Nigeria’s history has poverty reached 71% (even under Abacha, it was 67 -70%); and under no other president did unemployment reach 24%. Surely, these are unprecedented records and he surely ‘outperformed’ his predecessors! What a satire!
One of those present took the satire to some level by comparing Jonathan to the ‘performance’ of the former Governor of Anambra, Peter Obi. He noted that while Obi gloated about ‘savings’, there is no signature project to remember his regime except that his regime took the first position among all states in Nigeria in the democratization of poverty—- mass impoverishment of the people of Anambra. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, poverty rose under his watch in Anambra from 20% in 2004 (lowest in Nigeria then) to 68% in 2010 (a 238% deterioration!).
 Our friend likened it to a father who had no idea of what to do with his resources and was celebrating his fat bank account while his children were dying of kwashiorkor. He pointed out that since it is the likes of Peter Obi who are the advisers to Jonathan on how to manage the economy (thereby confusing micromanagement which you do as a trader with macro governance) it is little wonder that poverty is fast becoming another name for Nigeria. It was a very hilarious evening.
My advice to President Jonathan and his handlers is to stop wasting their time trying to campaign on his job record. Those who have decided to vote for him will not do so because he has taken Nigeria to the moon. His record on the economy is a clear ‘F’ grade. As one reviews the laundry list of micro interventions the government calls its achievements, one wonders whether such list is all that the government could deliver with an unprecedented oil boom and an unprecedented public debt accumulation. I can clearly see why reasonable people are worried. Everywhere else in the world, government performance on the economy is measured by some outcome variables such as: income (GDP growth rate), stability of prices (inflation and exchange rate), unemployment rate, poverty rate, etc. On all these scores, this government has performed worse than its immediate predecessor— Obasanjo regime. If we appropriately adjust for oil income and debt, then this government is the worst in our history on the economy. All statistics are from the National Bureau of Statistics.
Despite presiding over the biggest oil boom in our history, it has not added one percentage point to the growth rate of GDP compared to the Obasanjo regime especially the 2003- 07 period. Obasanjo met GDP growth rate at 2% but averaged 7% within 2003- 07. The current government has been stuck at 6% despite an unprecedented oil boom. Income (GDP) growth has actually performed worse, and poverty escalated. This is the only government in our history where rapidly increasing government expenditure was associated with increasing poverty. The director general of NBS stated in his written press conference address in 2011 that about 112 million Nigerians were living in poverty. Is this the record to defend? Obama had a tough time in his re-election in 2012 because unemployment reached 8%. Here, unemployment is at a record 24% and poverty at an all-time 71% but people are prancing around, gloating about ‘performance’. As I write, the Naira exchange rate to the dollar is $210 at the parallel market. What a historic performance! Please save your breathe and save us the embarrassment. The President promised Nigeria nothing in the last election and we did not get value for money. He should this time around present us with his plan for the future, and focus on how he would redeem himself in the second term—if he wins!
Sadly the government’s economic team is very weak, dominated by self-interested and self-conflicted group of traders and businessmen, and so-called economic team meetings have been nothing but showbiz time. The very people government exists to regulate have seized the levers of government as policymakers and most government institutions have largely been “privatized” to them. Mention any major government department or agency and someone will tell you whom it has been ‘allocated’ to, and the person subsequently nominates his minion to occupy the seat. What do you then expect? The economy seems to be on auto pilot, with confusion as to who is in charge, and government largely as a constraint. There are no big ideas, and it is difficult to see where economic policy is headed to.
 My thesis is that the Nigerian economy, if properly managed, should have been growing at an annual rate of about 12% given the oil boom, and poverty and unemployment should have fallen dramatically over the last five years. This is topic for another day.
So far, the Government’s response to the self-inflicted crisis is, at best, laughable. They blame external shocks as if we did not expect them and say nothing about the terrible policy choices they made. The National Assembly had described the 2015 budget as unrealistic. The fiscal adjustments proposed in the 2015 budget simply play to the gallery and just to pander to our emotions. For a $540 billion economy, the so-called luxury tax amounts to zero per cent of GDP. If the current trend continues, private businesses will come under a heavy crunch soon. Having put economics on its head during the boom time, the Government now proposes to increase taxes during a prospective downturn and impose austerity measures. Unbelievable!
Fortuitously, just as he succeeded Shagari when Nigeria faced similar situations, Buhari is once more seeking to lead Nigeria. But times have changed, and Nigeria is largely different. First, this is a democracy and dealing with corruption must happen within the ambit of the rule of law and due process. Getting things done in a democracy requires complicated bargaining, especially where the legislature, labour, the media, and civil society have become strong and entrenched. Second, the size, structure and institutions of the economy have fundamentally altered. The market economy, especially the capital market and foreign exchange market, impose binding constraints and discipline on any regime. Third, dealing with most of the other issues— insecurity, unemployment/poverty, infrastructure, health, education, etc, require increased, smarter, and more efficient spending. Increased spending when the economy is on the reverse gear?
If oil prices remain between 40- 60 dollars over the next two years, the current policy regime guarantees that foreign reserves will continue the precipitous depletion with the attendant exchange rate depreciation, as well as a probable unsustainable escalation in debt accumulation, fiscal retrenchment or taxing the private sector with vengeance. The scenario does not look pretty. The poor choices made by the current government have mortgaged the future, and the next government would have little room to manoeuvre and would inevitably undertake drastic but painful structural adjustments. Nigerians loathe the term ‘structural adjustment’. With falling real wages and depreciating currency, I can see any belated attempt by the government to deal with the bloated public sector pitching it against a feisty labour. I worry about regime stability in the coming months, and I do not envy the next team.
The seeming crisis is not destiny; it is self-imposed. However, we must see it as an opportunity to be seized to fundamentally restructure Nigeria’s political economy, including its fiscal federalism and mineral rights. The current system guarantees cycles of consumption loop and I cannot see sustainable long term prosperity without major systemic overhaul. The proposals at the national conference merely tinker at the margins. In totality, the outcome of the national conference is to do more of the same, with minor amendments on the system of sharing and consumption rather than a fundamental overhaul of the system for productivity and prosperity. President Jonathan promises to implement the report of the national conference if he wins. I commend him for at least offering ‘something’, albeit, marginal in my view. I have not heard anything from the APC or Buhari regarding the national conference report or what kind of federalism they envisage for Nigeria.
In Nigeria’s recent history, two examples under the military and civilian governments demonstrate that where the political will exists, Nigeria has the capacity to overcome severe challenges. The first was under President Babangida. Not many Nigerians appreciate that given the near bankrupt state of Nigeria’s finances and requirements for debt resolution under the Paris Club, the country had little choice but to undertake the painful structural adjustment programme (SAP). I want to state for the record that the foundation for the current market economy we operate in Nigeria was laid by that regime (liberalization of markets including market determined exchange rate, private sector-led economy including licensing of private banks and insurance, de-regulation, privatization of public enterprises under TCPC, etc). Just abolishing the import licensing regime was a fundamental policy revolution. Despite the criticisms, these policy thrusts have remained the pillars of our deepening market economy, and the economy recovered from almost negative growth rate to average 5.5% during the regime and poverty incidence at 42% in 1992.
Under our democratic experience, President Obasanjo inherited a bankrupt economy (with the lost decade of the 1990’s GDP growth rate of 2.2% and hence zero per capita income growth for the decade). His regime consolidated and deepened the market economy structures (consolidation of the banking system which is powering the emergence of a new but truly private sector-led economy and simultaneously led to a new awareness and boom in the capital market; telecommunications revolution; new pension regime; debt relief which won for Nigeria policy independence from the World Bank and Paris Club; deepening of de-regulation and privatization including the unbundling of NEPA under PHCN for privatization; agricultural revolution that saw yearly growth rate of over 6% and remains unsurpassed ever since; sound monetary and fiscal policy and growing foreign reserves that gave confidence to investors; establishment of the Africa Finance Corporation which is leading infrastructure finance in Africa; backward integration policy that saw the establishment and growth of Dangote cement and others; established ICPC and EFCC to fight corruption, etc). The economy roared to average yearly growth of 7% between 2003 and 2007 (although average monthly oil price under his regime was $38), and poverty dropped from estimated 70% in1999 to 54% in 2004. Obasanjo was his own coordinating minister of the economy and chairman of the economic management team— which he chaired for 90 minutes every week. I met with him daily. In other words, he did not outsource economic management.
We expected that the next government after Obasanjo would take the economy to the next level. So far, we have had two great slogans: the 7-point agenda and currently, the transformation agenda. They remain empty slogans without content or direction.
Let me suggest that the fundamental challenge for the next government on the economy can be framed around the goal of creating twelve million jobs over the next four years to have a dent on unemployment and poverty. The challenge is to craft a development agenda to deliver this within the context of broken public finance, and an economy in which painful structural adjustments will be inevitable if current trends in oil prices continue. Most other programmes on corruption, security, power, infrastructure, etc, are expected to be instruments to achieve this objective.
So far, neither the APC nor the PDP has a credible programme for employment and poverty reduction. The APC promises to create 20,000 jobs per state in the first year, totalling a mere 720,000 jobs. This sounds like a quota system and for a country where the new entrants into the labour market per annum exceed two million. If it was intended as a joke, APC must please get serious. On the other hand, President Jonathan targets two million jobs per annum but his strategy for doing so is a Job Board— another committee of sort. Sorry, Mr. President, a Job Board is not a strategy. The principal job Nigerians hired you to do for them is to create jobs for them too. You cannot outsource that job, Sir. Creating 3 million jobs per annum under the unfolding crisis would task our creativity and audacity to the limits.
I heard one politician argue that once we fix power, private sector would create jobs. Not necessarily! Well, this government claims to have added 1,700MW to the national grid and yet unemployment soars. Ask Greece, Spain, etc with power and infrastructure and yet with high unemployment. Structural dislocations play a key role. For example, currently in Nigeria, it is estimated that more than 60% of graduates of our educational system are unemployable. You can understand why many of us are amused when the government celebrates that it has established twelve more glorified secondary schools as universities. I thought they would have told us how many Nigerian universities made it in the league of the best 200 universities in the world. That would have been an achievement. Surely, creating millions of jobs in this economy would, among other things, require ‘new money’ and extraordinary system of coordination among the three tiers of government plus the private sector. Unfortunately, from what I read, the CBN is largely likely to be asleep at this time the country needs the most revolutionary finance. This is a topic for another day. Only the President can lead this effort. Moreover, we are waiting for the two parties/candidates to spell out HOW they will create jobs, whether it is the 20,000 jobs per state by APC or 2 million per annum by President Jonathan. Let us know how you arrived at the figures. Whichever of the two that is declared winner will have his job cut out for him, and I expect him to declare a national emergency on job creation.
Surprisingly, none of the parties/candidates has any grand vision about African economic integration, led by Nigeria. There is no programme on how to make the naira the de facto currency of ECOWAS or the international financial centre that can attract more than $100 billion per annum. Where is the strategy for orchestrating the revolutionary finance to power the economy during this downturn? For President Jonathan, I find it shocking that the most important initiative of his government to secure the future of the economy by Nigeria refusing to sign the ruinous Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union is not even being mentioned. President Obasanjo saved Nigeria from the potential ruin of an ECOWAS single currency while to his credit Jonathan safeguarded our industrial sector/economy by refusing to sign the EPA. Or does the government not understand the import of that? It will be interesting to know the APC’s strategy for exploiting strategic alliances within Africa, China, and the world for Nigeria’s prosperity.
If Buhari wins, he will ride on the populist wind for “change”. Most people I have spoken to who have decided to vote for Buhari do not necessarily know the specifics of what he would offer or how Nigeria would be different under him. I asked my driver, Usman, whom he would vote for President. He responded: “If they no rig the election, na Buhari everybody go vote for”. I asked him why, and his next response sums it: “The man dey honest. In short, people just want to see another face for that villa”. But if he wins, the honeymoon will be brief and the pressure will be immense to magically deliver a ‘new Nigeria’ with no corruption, no boko haram or insecurity, jobs for everyone, no poverty, infrastructure and power in abundance, etc. As a first point, Buhari and his team must realize that they do not yet have a coherent, credible agenda that is consistent with the fundamentals of the economy currently. The APC manifesto contains some good principles and wish-lists, but as a blue print for Nigeria’s security and prosperity, it is largely hollow. The numbers do not add up. Thus, his first job is to present a credible development agenda to Nigerians.
The second key challenge for Buhari and his team will be to transit and transform from a group of what I largely refer to as aggrieved people’s congregation to build a true political party with a soul from the patchwork of political associations. It is surely easier to oppose than to govern. This should not worry us much. After all, even the PDP which has been in power for 16 years is still an assembly of people held together by what I refer to as dining table politics. I am not sure how many members can tell you what their party stands for or its mission and vision for Nigeria. The third but more difficult agenda is cobbling together a truly ‘progressive team’ that will begin to pick the pieces. The lesson of history is that the best leaders have been the ones who went beyond their narrow provincial enclaves to recruit talents and mobilize capacities for national transformation. In Nigeria’s history, the two presidents who made the most fundamental transformation of the economy, Babangida and Obasanjo, were exceptional in the quality of the teams they put together. I therefore pray that Buhari will be magnanimous in victory – if he wins—to put together a ‘team Nigeria’ for the rescue mission.
If Jonathan wins, then God must have been magnanimous to give him a second chance to redeem himself. Most people I know who support Jonathan do so either out of self-interest or fear of the unknown. As a friend summed it: the devil you know is better than the angel you do not know. One person assured me that we would see a ‘different Jonathan’ if he wins as he has been rattled by the harsh judgment of history on his presidency so far. I just pray that he is right. In that case, I would just draw the President’s attention to two issues:
First, beside the coterie of clowns who literally make a living with the sing-song of transformation agenda, President Jonathan must know that it remains an empty slogan. His greatest challenge is how to save himself from the stranglehold of his largely provincial palace jesters who tell him he has done better than God, and seek out ‘enemies’ and friends who can help him write his name in history. Propaganda won’t do it.
Second, Jonathan must claw back his powers as President of Nigeria. He largely outsourced them, and must now roll his sleeves for a new beginning. I take liberty to tell you this brutal truth: if you are not re-elected, there is little to remember your regime after the next few years. On 7th January 2004, I made a special presentation to an expanded economic management team to set agenda for the new year (as chief economic adviser). The focus of my presentation was for us to identify seven iroko trees that would be the flagship markers for the administration as well as how to finance them. I use the same framework to evaluate your administration. What I say to you, Mr. President, is that your record of performance so far is like a farmland filled with grasses. Yes, they are many but there is no tree, let alone any iroko tree, that stands out. Think about this. The beginning of wisdom for every President in his second term is to admit that he is racing against time to cement his legacy. So far, your report card is not looking great. You need a team of big and bold thinkers, as well as with excellent execution capacity. So far, it is not working!
Under the executive presidential system, Nigerians elected you to manage their economy. You cannot outsource that job. Our constitution envisages a federal coordination of the economy, and that function is performed by the National Economic Council (NEC) with Vice-President as chairman. Indeed, the constitution and other laws of Nigeria envisage the office of the VP as the coordinator on the economy. All major economic institutions of the federal government are, by law, chaired by the Vice-President including the national planning (see functions of the national planning commission as coordinator of federal government economic and development programmes), debt management office, National Council on Privatization, etc. As chairman of National Planning (with Ministers of Finance, Agriculture, CBN governor, etc as members), the VP oversees the federal planning and coordination. Then the Constitution mandates the VP as representative of the federal government to chair the NEC, with only CBN governor and state governors as members—to coordinate national economy between federal and states. No minister is a member of NEC. Many people do not understand the logic of the design of our constitution and the role of the VP. Of course, the buck stops on the desk of Mr. President. Only the President and VP have our mandate to govern us. Every other person is an adviser/assistant. I bet that you will only appreciate this article AFTER you leave office. Now that you are in power, truth will only hurt! Be assured that those of us who are prepared to die for Nigeria will never spare you or anyone else this bitter truth.
Nigeria must survive and prosper beyond Buhari or Jonathan!

Press Statement by General Muhammadu Buhari on his school certificate issue.

All Progressive Congress presidential aspirant, General Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR has cleared the air on his School Certificate issue.‎ His press statement below:

Good Morning , Gentlemen of the Press.
I only consented to address you this morning because of the genuine concern expressed by many supporters and other well-meaning Nigerians that the issue be addressed. Otherwise, I would have dismissed it for what it is—sheer mischief and would not have considered it an issue worth the nation’s while.
I had assumed all along that all my records were in the custody of the Military Secretary of the Nigerian Army. Much to my surprise, we are now told that although a record of the result is available, there are no copies of the certificates in my personal file. 
This is why I formally requested my old school the Provincial Secondary School, Katsina [which is now known as Government College, Katsina] to make available the school’s copy of the result of the Cambridge/West African School Certificate. This will be made available to the press the moment this is available.
However, before we obtain that, let me say for the record that I attended Provincial Secondary School, Katsina. I graduated in 1961 with many prominent Nigerians, including General Shehu Yar’adua, former chief of staff at the Supreme Headquarters, and Justice Umaru Abdullahi, a former President of the Court of Appeal. We sat for the University of Cambridge/WASC Examination together in 1961, the year we graduated. My examination number was 8280002, and I passed the examination in the Second Division.
And although the ruling party may want to wish this away, the issue in this campaign cannot be my certificate which I obtained 53 years ago. The issues are the scandalous level of unemployment of millions of our young people, the state of insecurity, the pervasive official corruption which has impoverished our people and the lack of concern of the government for anything other than the retention of power at all costs.
Thank you very much.
General Muhammadu Buhari

General Buhari Is Unstoppable Now | By: Joe Igbokwe

What happened in 1993 between Alhaji Bashir Tofa and the late Chief Moshood Abiola of the blessed memory is about repeating itself in Nigeria in Nigeria today. Before the June 12 1993 presidential elections, handlers of Alhaji Bashir Tofa knew that comparing Bashir Tofa and Chief Abiola is like Apples and Oranges comparison.
They knew that it is like comparing a giant with a dwarf. They knew that there is no basis for the comparison, and if it is a 100m dash Chief Abiola would have hit the tape while Tofa is at the starting point. The handlers led by Dr Doyin Okupe initiated a strategy to hit Chief Abiola from all corners and try to panel beat him to Tofa’s level. They failed miserably and woefully too. In the process of doing that they helped in no uncertain terms to catapult Chief Abiola to an unprecedented height. The rest is now history.
In 2015, the reckless, useless and fraudulent historians and hack writers are at work again. This time it is a battle between President Jonathan and General Muhammadu Buhari. Buhari has contested presidential elections in 2003, 2007, 2011 and even though he did not make it, he gave a good account of himself.
Though he was cheated out, he got millions of votes. He remained consistent, committed and courageous even in the face of all the troubles he had to go through. President Jonathan became a deputy Governor and through luck he became Governor, Vice president and now President and he would have ruled Nigeria for six years by next year.
In 2015, Nigerians will take stock. Nigerians are looking back, they are looking at the present and as well as the future. In the past sixteen a lot of water has passed under the bridge. Nigerians have seen a lot. Devastated, pillaged and gang raped in all fronts, Nigerians are now thinking seriously. Shall we continue with this mess? Do we have an alternative? Can we do things differently? Is Nigeria a basket case? Are we helpless and hopeless? Are our destinies in our hands? Can we bring the change we all desire? Can we raise the bar of leadership in 2015? Can we recover our stolen country?
Many hard questions demanding hard answers. After the 2011 elections, General Buhari said he may not seek the highest office again. But the crisis of leadership in our country has pushed him to throw his hat into the ring again. He has been compelled by the forces of history to step forward again and this time it is a different ball game.
 General Buhari of yesteryears is no longer the same Buhari of today. Things have changed. Time has changed. The calculations, equations and permutations have changed. Nigerians want Buhari to come clean up the Augean Stable PDP led federal government is leaving behind. GMB is coming to change the way we think and the way we work.
But the enemies are at the door again. The thieves are at the door once again. They are with guns, bombs, Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (IBM), Rocket Launchers (RL), Warships, Jet fighters, Bows and Arrows, AK-47s, etc to shoot him down. They tell us he is a Religious Bigot, an Islamic fundamentalist, a semi-illiterate person, too old and too weak to get things done. They are still manufacturing every bad thing under the sun and are heaping them at GMB’s doorsteps.
They are desperate, vicious, hopeless, helpless and potentially dangerous. They are doing everything humanly possible to stop and if possible to kill General Buhari. This is the reason why l want maximum security for General Buhari now.
These meretricious mediocrity can pull the house down to remain in power. They are ready to slaughter thousands to remain. They are ready to continue to divide the country to remain in power.
The corrupt people and criminals in the land will do everything humanly possible to stop Buhari. We have seen them at work. They know the consequences of General Buhari’s presidency. They know that he is a no nonsense man. They know he will fight criminals head on. They know he is going to remove feeding bottles from their mouths. They know he will do things differently. They know his puritanical disposition and they know he will stop at nothing to stop the mess in the land.
General Buhari may be a religious bigot, he may be a fundamentalist, he may be a dictator, he may be an old man and semi illiterate, he may be everything they claim he is but these congenital liars from the pit of hell will kiss the dust. They will swallow their words when the chips are down. They will go down with their pathological lies when it dawns on them that no 21st century idiot will stop an idea whose time has come.
They can call General Buhari names, they can call him anything but it will amount to nothing. Those who claimed they are PHD holders have disappointed us. Those who claimed they are not dictators have bruised and oppressed us. Those who claimed they are young brought shame and mediocrity to us. Leadership is not measured by height or age.
Mr Webster wrote Webster Dictionary at the age of 80. Buhari remains a candidate to beat in the 2015 presidential election and I pity these characters who will dare to stand on his way. I pity those who did not know when the train left the station. I sympathize with those who did not know when to call a spade a spade. I fear for those who did not know that an idea whose time has come is here. I worry that history is leaving some people behind in Nigeria. I fear that some compound idiots who have ruined Nigeria for years are yet to come to terms with GMB’s towering personality.
TIME WILL TELL
Credit: MustardPressNG

General Muhammadu Buhari, top dignitaries in attendance as 'Saro The Musical 2' opens at Muson Center

It was all thunderous applause and rapturous praise as Lagosians defied the city’s forbidding traffic and trooped out to witness the highly anticipated and much talked about opening of ‘Saro, The Musical 2’, at the Muson Center, Onikan. Starring a highly talented cast made up of last year’s much-lauded performers as well as an infusion of exciting actors like Bimbo Manuel, Dolapo Oni, Gideon Okeke, songs, dance, and drama scenes, Saro 2 was a mind-blowing reincarnation, as the show greatly improved upon its 2013 version.
Punctuated at numerous points by excited cheers and applause, Saro 2 dazzled and awed the audience with an impressive repertoire of captivating original music, beautifully reimagined covers breathtaking dance routines, as well as the colorful, flamboyant costumes.
The event which had many notable figures in attendance also saw a much applauded appearance from Nigerian presidential aspirant, Rtd General Muhammadu Buhari, as well as a number of other government dignitaries, who came to see the epic night’s performances. The show ended as it began – on a streaking, epic note – drawing the audience to its feet for a long-lasting standing ovation.
Saro The Musical 2 continues to show at the Muson Center during the Christmas holiday, with 10 shows spread across the 25th, 26th, 27th, & 28th of December. You can get your tickets at Terra Kulture, VI and at the venue.

Show Schedule:

25th Christmas Day – one show – 6pm
26th Boxing Day -two shows – 3pm and 6pm
Saturday27th  two shows – 3pm and 6pm
Sunday 28th(Finale) – three shows – 1pm, 4pm and 7pm
Don’t miss out on the epic holiday experience!
Open chat