Corona Virus pandemic

COVID-19: The Decline of Global Remittances Puts Rural Families at Risk | By: Pedro de Vasconcelos

The economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has led to the loss of millions of jobs in the developed and developing world. Migrant workers are among the most directly affected. They work in economic sectors adversely impacted by the economic slowdown such as construction, the hospitality industry, tourism, food, agribusinesses, transport and domestic work. This loss of income has ripple effects across the world, putting millions of poor rural families at risk.

The majority of migrant workers are from low and middle-income countries who need to support their families through the remittances they send home on a regular basis. It is estimated that the world’s 200 million migrant workers send money regularly to 800 million family members to help them access food, health and education. Therefore, one in nine people in the world are directly impacted by remittance flows.

In 2019, remittances to low and middle-income countries totalled US$554 billion, with about half reaching families living in small towns and rural villages. However as a result of COVID-19, these flows are projected to make their sharpest decline in history, falling by 20 per cent in 2020 to US$445 billion, as indicated by a recent World Bank (https://bit.ly/3hbFV6P) forecast.

Although in the past remittances have been relatively resilient to external shocks, COVID-19 is different. It impacts senders and recipients simultaneously. Families living in rural areas in developing countries have been severely affected by lockdowns and social distancing. Markets have closed and transport has been disrupted. Small-scale farmers have been unable to sell their produce or to buy inputs, such as seeds or fertilizer. Daily labourers, small businesses and informal workers, who are often women and young people, are among the worst affected.

The UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) is tracking the impact of declining remittances on the ‘receiving end’ in developing countries, where typical remittances of $200 to $300 per month on average account for 60 per cent of household income. While the reduction in remittances will not fall evenly across countries and communities, the impact is likely be substantial in rural areas where remittances count the most.

Initial indications from countries that rely heavily on remittances are deeply concerning. Reports ranging from Senegal, Kenya, El Salvador and Nepal to the Philippines and Eastern Europe confirm not only the significant drop in remittances but also the return home of hundreds of thousands of jobless migrant workers to their strained households and communities in rural areas.

The sudden reduction or outright halt in remittance flows could also impact food production in the coming months with the planting season starting in different regions. In Mali, for example, many families in rural areas often cannot buy seeds and inputs for the next agricultural season without regular remittances.

Remittance families and food security: Opportunities for effective action

The economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic could push rural families even deeper into poverty and threaten global prosperity and stability. We need to act now to minimize the impact of the drop in remittances on the food security of rural families. If we take immediate action, we can provide rural people with the means to ensure a faster recovery. Several “win-win” opportunities present themselves:

  • Fast-track innovative business solutions that support remittance families in times of crisis, by promoting fee reductions and by developing products to enable migrant workers to transfer non-financial products through remittance service providers, such as food or medicine, directly to their families.
  • Identify and support income-generating opportunities for the “human capital” of returning workers. Migrants bring home experience, education and new skills. Migrants are risk takers, resilient and entrepreneurial. This crisis calls for creative ways to use their talents as part of the response back home.
  • Encourage financial inclusion among remittance families by promoting the creation and adoption of emergency savings products.
  • Promote the use of digital channels for sending and receiving remittances, and disseminate information about available remittance products and ways to obtain them. By expanding rural access to digital technology, remittances could support rural transformation, bringing new jobs and opportunities back home. Receiving remittances digitally could give rural dwellers access to savings, credit or insurance products can build much needed resilience at family level and benefit the communities around them.

To address a number of the challenges facing rural communities, IFAD is currently leading the UN-sponsored Remittances Community Task Force, a group of 35 stakeholders of different sectors, which will soon issue a series of comprehensive and integrated recommendations: A Blueprint for Action.

Taking the specific concrete actions outlined in the blueprint will improve legal and regulatory frameworks, facilitate private sector solutions and incorporate the active involvement of NGOs, particularly diaspora groups. This will empower remittance families, even during this unprecedented crisis, to maximize the potential development impact of remittances for themselves and the communities where they live, so that future generations might view migration as a choice rather than as a necessity.


Pedro de Vasconcelos is the head of the Financing Facility for Remittances at the UN’s International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).

Opinion: Is the Niger Delta Still Part Of Nigeria?

The dance of the absurd taking place in the media space in recent times couldn’t have been had President Buhari not ordered for a Forensic Audit of the Books of the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC.

The National Assembly under Senator Ahmed Lawan and Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila seems to be unconcerned about the imminent dangers of a resurgence of youth restiveness in the oil and gas rich area of the country as some Lawmakers with obvious insidious interest have continued to challenge the authority of the President on the all-inclusive probe of the Commission which has been wobbling, twenty years after its creation. The excessive freedom enjoyed by those who have been publicly accused by the supervising Committee of the NDDC has been overstretched as the leadership of the 9th Assembly has either chosen to look the other way or become complicit in the macabre dance.

Since the decision by the President to look into the way billions of Naira have been frittered away through the Commission, the discordant tunes from a few, powerful Lawmakers from the Niger Delta region has become worrisome that the reading public is now suspicious of their involvement in the pathological sleaze that has characterized the Commission while leaving the region underdeveloped and gasping for air, in a manner akin to the African-American, George Floyd who died while begging to breathe.

It is worrisome that in spite of the fact that the National Assembly is led by the ruling party, APC, yet, the synergy expected between the Executive and the Legislature is far from being in existence as it concerns the Niger Delta region, which has consistently sustained the economy since 1956, when oil was discovered in commercial quantities.

Is it not beyond surprising and an effrontery for a group of Lawmakers to challenge the decision of the President in approving an intervention for the people of the region for the purpose of the pandemic? The impudence displayed by these Lawmakers who definitely have something sinister to frustrate the efforts of the Interim Management Committee, IMC, of the Commission and the supervising Minister, Senator Godswill Akpabio is a pointer that all is not well, particularly, when the supposed leader of the recalcitrant Lawmakers is from the opposition party, PDP. Could it be that the Senate President has conceded his powers to his Deputy, who recently, walked into the Headquarters of the EFCC with a letter written by the Clerk of the Senate, albeit on his instruction and requested for the probe and arrest of Buhari’s Minister, even when other Senators were kept in the dark of such an offensive? With the denial of Omo-Agege of his involvement in the scandal, will the Senate President set up a Committee to investigate him alongside the Clerk or simply sack the latter? That is up to him to stand for the truth or let his exalted office be ridiculed by his Deputy and his quest for power!

The desperation to have Akpabio removed and the Pondei-led IMC sacked is purely an effort to ensure that Buhari leaves no legacies in the Niger Delta region. The cry over the mismanagement of funds at the NDDC has been on, over time and was enunciated by Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, sometime in 2019 at Delta State. There was a follow up visit to the President by the Governors of the States under the NDDC which compelled the President to give Akpabio the mandate to appoint Forensic Auditors to look into the books, with an Interim Management Committee to oversee the running of the Commission while the audit lasts.

Sadly, those who seem to have been squandering the funds meant to build high grade Schools, Hospitals, Roads and Bridges amongst other infrastructures, are desperate to have Akpabio’s head on the slaughter slab, as millions of Naira have been deployed to different youth groups and a section of the media to further plant negative stories in other to discredit those saddled with this responsibility.

More worrisome is the involvement of high profile and principal officers at the National Assembly in this distracting dance, that one begins to wonder if truly they mean well for the region. What really do they intend to achieve in ensuring that Buhari does not add a stone to projects in the Niger Delta. Is there a fifth columnist working against the President but are pretending to be partners in progress with him?

The effort made by the NDDC to source for international grant of $126 million from the International Fund for  Agricultural Development, IFAD, has been aborted at the point of delivery by this same Lawmakers who wickedly slashed the budgetary provision for the counterpart funding from N1.3 billion to a paltry N100 million in the 2019 Budget of the NDDC! Funds from IFAD meant to massively engage in Agriculture in the region was wished away with the stroke of the pen. Not done with the plot to keep the region perpetually underdeveloped and totally dependent on crumbs from. Federal Allocation, these agents of darkness ensured that the budget of N10 billion for the construction of three Specialist Hospitals in the region was slashed to another paltry N100m! Yet, they prefer that billions of Naira are allocated for non-existent Training programs, Desilting of the Waterways and Medical Tourism overseas that yield nothing.

The 2020 Budget which has since been submitted in 2019 is yet to be attended to. Those who have gathered irrespective of party affiliations, to keep the region in agony at the risk of illegal activities of oil bunkering, environmental degradation and deprivation, and massive pollution of the air and water resulting in the cancerous black smooth and death of aquatic life are not done with their offensive as they question the rationale behind the payment of contractors owed by successive Boards of the Commission.

The recent probe of N40 billion by the two Houses of the National Assembly is only a disguise of their real intents. Why is this probe more important to the supposed watchdogs of the Commission rather than allow for a thorough Forensic Audit? What is the real purpose of the Adhoc Committees of the two Houses in writing the Bureau of Public Procurement to deny the Forensic Auditors access to the nine states to verify the records of the Commission? This is not only suspicious but scandalous by those who claim to be in support of the Presidential Order of the Forensic Audit!

One begins to wonder who is actually ruling the country when a few Lawmakers have effortlessly challenged the powers of the President to seek to know what has been of the monies poured into the NDDC for over 19 years.

For the second highest ranking Senator who flaunts the title of “Leader of the South South” to resort to a petition against a Minister to the EFCC, in order to frustrate the President and leader of his political party, leaves much to be desired! It is clear that the 9th Assembly is not interested in the development of the Niger Delta region.

No wonder the same Lawmakers who claim to have an oversight function on the Niger Delta have failed to query the Presidential Infrastructural Development Fund, PIDF, on the deliberate neglect of the East-West Road which is one of the five critical projects under the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority, NSIA. While they are at war with the managers of NDDC, they have left the people of the region to suffer as they navigate from one state to the other through the East-West Road. In spite of a Presidential approval of N100bn in 2018 for the completion of sections 1 to 4 of the road and a release of N19.5bn by the Minister for Finance, three years ago, for the payment of legacy debts, the PIDF under Mr Uche Orji has failed to pay the Contractors, thereby delaying their return to the site and allowing the road to deteriorate.

Without a recent intervention by the NDDC to repair the failed sections of the road, the people of the region would have completely been cut off from the West.

It is clear that there is an orchestrated plot to make sure that the APC controlled Federal Government fails in the Niger Delta region. And who are those responsible for this mess? Obviously, they are not far from us as the fate of the Niger Delta region now depends on them!



Obiaruko Ndukwe is the President, Citizens Quest for Truth Initiative

To Finance its Energy Transition and Industrialization, Africa needs to think Local.

As global markets think of the post-Covid-19 world and how the pandemic will reshape business models worldwide, African countries are coming to terms with a bitter reality: the continent has still not entered the Fourth Industrial Revolution and is heading towards its first recession in 25 years.

While the impact of the pandemic on African economies is expected to be lesser than in Europe or North America, it still puts to the forefront the continent’s overdependence on key commodities for its economies to function, and under-investment into social infrastructure. For Africa, the COVID-19 pandemic is turning into a wake up call to find better ways to industrialize, chief amongst them being access to reliable, cheap and clean energy. Given global liquidity constraints however, financing Africa’s energy transition and supporting industrialization will require becoming more competitive and finding new ways to mobilize capital across key industries and projects.

The topic was at the center of a leading webinar discussion between Kola Karim, Managing Director and CEO of Shoreline Energy International, Vitol Senior Investment Manager Steven Brann, and Bambili Group Managing Director Nyonga Fofang. The webinar was organized by the African Energy Chamber (www.EnergyChamber.org) and hosted by Africa Oil & Power.

Also Read: Opinion: The African Utopia at the end of the COVID-19 Tunnel. | By: Cesar A. Mba ABOGO

The key to industrialization in Africa is access to power, which heavily relies on Africa’s ability to get its natural resources right, especially natural gas. Up until now, most of Africa’s gas has been produced for the benefits of foreign markets in Asia, the Americas, Europe and the Middle East, where it is shipped as LNG. LNG prices have dropped to historic lows and are currently below the $2 threshold in Europe and Asia, while African power producers still pay above that price to get natural gas in their turbines. Current market prices for natural gas are expected to remain depressed for a while, and should be a strong incentive for African power producers to use LNG as a feedstock and switch their fuel oil or coal plants to LNG which can be easily procured on the continent.

However, proper management of Africa’s natural resources does not stop at switching existing power plants to gas in order to benefit from a cheap and locally-available resource. It rather requires a profound transformation of how African countries see energy and how they plan to power up their economies moving forward.

In doing so, financing will become an even greater challenge as capital becomes scarce and investors look for only very resilient assets to invest in. In that regard, participants noted that it is currently challenging to monetize Africa’s LNG across industries because industrial customers are reluctant to signing the kind of multi-year commitments required by gas producers to raise debt. Because potential industrial users do not know what the future holds and do not get a clear vision on what their country’s energy mix will look like, their reluctance to switch to gas is directly impacting the attractiveness of the sector and has them keep paying expensive energy instead. Similarly, the imports of fuel oil and coal to power industries has become such a habit that making a long-term commitment on developing LNG receiving and processing infrastructure is now a matter of debate.

Participants highlighted the responsibility of both African sovereigns and the private sector in maintaining the continent in that energy status quo. In a post Covid-19 world, a situation in which Africa exports its energy while its people are in the dark, and imports finished products while its youth is unemployed is not longer viable. The industry is calling for a strong sovereign participation on establishing a connection with the private sector and thinking holistically about the development of the continent. While foreign exchange and international capital will continue to be needed, there is an urgent need to energize African communities and neighbors first. Nigeria cannot think of its gas development without keeping in mind the energy needs of its immediate neighbors for example. Similarly, South Africa cannot plan for its energy future without taking in consideration the vast gas reserves of its neighbors. The list of examples goes on.

Africa needs to use the solid base of its natural resources to create opportunities and change the narrative around its industrialization by making a difference in its own energy space. For such a paradigm shift to happen, African sovereigns need to take the lead. Only at the sovereign level can a country raise several billion dollars from multilateral agencies and invest in the necessary projects and infrastructure that will support private sector investment and growth. Only political will can truly unlock the value of African cross-border energy cooperation and open up the doors for a wider African private sector cooperation across industries and within a prosperous free trade continent.

Meanwhile, additional efforts need to be done to mobilize local and patient capital from domestic funds and African family fortunes. Participants concluded on the fact that there is a lot of do-good capital sitting all across the continent, but its mobilization requires the presentation of above-standards bankable projects run by outstanding leadership teams. It is up to African leaders and African private sector executives to put the continent on a new path to prosperity.

Opinion: The African Utopia at the end of the COVID-19 Tunnel. | By: Cesar A. Mba ABOGO

In 1990, when Cameroon’s football team did the unthinkable and beat Argentina in the World Cup, the proportion of the world’s population living below the poverty line was 37.1 per cent. Fast-forward 35 years later to 2015, following a global adoption of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), this figure now stands at 9.6%.

The concept of a universal benevolent dictator – a classic assumption in beginner economic courses to escape the complexities of real-world decision-making – such a person would no doubt have said “The world is doing infinitely better!” 
But on the contrary, the world has not been doing as well as it should. The fact is, there have been warning signs all along.
The proportion of people living below the poverty line in sub-Saharan Africa in 2015 was an astonishing 41%, about the same as the global rate of extreme poverty in 1981.

On October 17, 2018, the then President of the World Bank Group, Jim Yong Kim, presented a report titled “Poverty and Shared Prosperity 2018: Piecing together the Poverty Puzzle.” With rigorous data but in a simple and direct way, the report clearly indicated that global conditions were not in place to bring the rate of extreme poverty below 3% by 2030.

The most alarming case in point was, where even in the most optimistic of scenarios, the poverty rate would continue to be in double digits.

The report was a pitcher of cold water in my state of mind. But it was not the first time Jim Yong Kim had jolted me. A few years earlier in 2015, in Lima, Peru, at the Annual Meetings of the IMF and the World Bank, during a panel moderated by Femi Oke, the British journalist of Yoruba descent, Jim Yong Kim’s projections caught my attention. In attendance were Peruvian President Ollanta Moises Humala Tasso; Ban Ki-Moon, UN Secretary General; Christine Lagarde, IMF Managing Director; and Justine Greening, UK Secretary of State for International Development. For 90-minutes, they spoke eloquently about the type of partnerships that would be needed to make Agenda 2030 a reality; the international cooperation that would be deployed; the necessary financing mechanisms and formulas; and the creativity and citizen action required.

Gathered in this august venue, the guardians of the global architecture responsible for eradicating poverty spoke convincingly and articulately about the world of tomorrow. Collectively, they concluded that by 2030, we would end up, to quote Oscar Wilde, in a country called Utopia. The Road to Lima was a party.

But barely three years later as 2018 dawned, the same global architecture presented us with a new story: The end of Utopia.

In December 2019, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) launched its Human Development Report titled “Beyond Income, Beyond Averages, Beyond the Present: Human Development Inequalities in the 21st Century”. As with the World Bank, the conclusion was straightforward and clear: While humanity is progressing, something is just not working in our globalized society. A new generation of inequalities, beyond basic capabilities, is emerging and threatens to render people living in developing countries obsolete in the future.

Combining the alarming 2018 World Bank report with the no less alarming 2019 UNDP report, the picture is not one of optimism: not only was the aspiration to eradicate poverty by 2030 not going to be met, but a new inequality gap was opening up as well.

These challenges had previously been the focus of the World Economic Forum Regional Strategy Group (WEF RSG), of which I had had the privilege of being a member.

One of the ideas behind the WEF RSG was very simple and irrefutable: Africa must leapfrog into the Fourth Industrial Revolution or risk being left behind inexorably.

Also Read: Opinion: Africa: COVID-19 response must target African agriculture and the rural poor | By: Olusegun Obasanjo and Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe

In 2019 as well as in previous years, several countries, including Equatorial Guinea, my country, made important policy decisions to define and prioritize national development aspirations in alignment with the UN’s Agenda 2030 and the African Union’s Agenda 2063. Additionally, to take advantage of the Fourth Industrial Revolution we scaled up our investments in ICT and technology and in developing the capacity of our youth. And then, COVID19 arrived!

In just a few short months the world has changed. When we return to ‘normal,’ it will be a ‘new normality’ and a brave new world.

COVID19 is an existential crisis. It is severely testing Africa’s social, economic and political resilience. In a post-COVID19 world, the continent’s leaders will therefore have to rethink many prior assumptions and find new balances for individual and collective behavior.

What I am absolutely certain of is that opportunities will emerge. Innovative minds previously imprisoned by institutional inertia and interest groups will rise to the challenges that we collectively face.

What will the brave new world post-COVID19 look like in Africa? The African Development Bank estimates that Africa will lose between 35 and 100 billion dollars due to the fall in raw material prices caused by the pandemic. The World Economic Forum estimates that global losses for the continent will be in the order of $275 billion.

There is a real risk therefore that Africa’s inequality gap will worsen in the coming years.

Ever since the virus crossed the continent’s borders, regular bilateral and multilateral consultations among African finance ministers have philosophically revolved around the need to rethink our multifaceted responses to COVID19 and other future threats that have equal or greater potential for disruption.

Also Read: Opinion: COVID-19: Despite Nigeria’s Weak Healthcare Sector, Pvp-I May Help Prevent Disease Spread. | By: Oyindamola Adejumo-Ayibiowu

Today, African States are developing strategic and in-depth approaches to human development, regional integration, digitalization, industrialization, economic diversification, fiscal and monetary policies, and international solidarity. In short, they are rethinking the causes of the continent’s underdevelopment and coming up with feasible solutions. The outcomes will undoubtedly be good for Africa and for all humanity.

To better understand the scenarios before us, there are three sparks that could light a flame in the brave new world that is before us:

  1. In 2001, African leaders pledged to invest around 15% of their budgets in health. By 2020, only five countries have fulfilled this promise. No one doubts today that the health sector in Africa will be strengthened by the COVID19. There are decisions that can no longer be postponed. In mid-March, a Togolese activist, Farida Nabourema, mocked African elites who used to go to Europe to have their ailments treated, saying: I would like to ask our African presidents who travel to Italy, Germany, France, the UK and other European countries for medical treatment, please when are you leaving? On April 2, Bloomberg published an article entitled: Trapped by CoronavirusNigeria’s Elite faces squalid hospital, signed by journalist Dulue Mbachu. Things are going to change.
  2. The vast majority of African countries, after COVID19, will have to put in place social protection systems to mitigate the suffering of the continent’s most disadvantaged. Kenya and Equatorial Guinea offer excellent  examples of countries that have regulated and put in place social protection systems that will survive and outlast our battle against this common enemy.
  3. The continent’s poor pharmaceutical capacity has been a source of amazement to locals and foreigners alike. Bangladesh, a poorer country than many African countries, produces 97% of the national demand for medicines, in contrast to  Africa which is almost 100% dependent on imports.

This last note has triggered another debate: the necessary industrialization of Africa, to transform and add value to the continent’s vast and valuable raw materials.

Many African countries have already been deprived access to COVID19 essentials. Excessive global demand  has relegated Africa to the

But there is much reason for optimism. African leaders recently lauded artemisia annua tonic that Andry Rajoelina, President of Madagascar, presented to the world as Africa’s solution to COVID19 .

Our enthusiasm as Africans, is rooted in wounded self-esteem. For way too long, we have been victims of marginalization. The power to regain our dignity has too often been stripped away. Today, nestled in the souls of all Africans is an unshakable faith that the most important resource that Africa needs in order to rise up, is none other than Africans themselves.

No one will help us if we do not help ourselves. Africa is no longer asking to be taught how to fish. Africa is already rowing towards the utopia enunciated in the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and the Africa Union’s Agenda 2063.

In spite of dire predictions and narratives, humanity always has a way of ending up in that country called utopia. Africa is humanity.


Cesar A. Mba ABOGO is the Minister of Finance, Economy and Planning of Equatorial Guinea and Member of the Regional Action Group for Africa of the World Economic Forum.

Opinion: Africa: COVID-19 response must target African agriculture and the rural poor | By: Olusegun Obasanjo and Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe

Africa has so far escaped the worst health consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the continent looks like it could be the worst hit from the economic fallout of the crisis: 80 million Africans could be pushed into extreme poverty if action is not taken. And disruptions in food systems raise the prospect of more Africans falling into hunger. Rural people, many of whom work on small-scale farms, are particularly vulnerable to the impacts of the crisis. It is therefore vital that the COVID-19 response addresses food security and target the rural poor.

At this time, the international development agenda is prioritizing health, economies, and infrastructure. But there must also be a focus on food security, agribusiness, and rural development. This is especially important on the African continent. Agriculture contributes 65 percent of Africa’s employment and 75 percent of its domestic trade. However, the rich potential of agriculture as a tool to promote food security and fight poverty is at risk from the effects of COVID-19.

In March, the UN Economic Commission for Africa predicted growth in Africa would drop from 3.2 percent to 1.8 percent in 2020. Within the continent, lockdowns are disrupting inter-regional trade. The effect of restrictive measures on food trade is especially worrying, in particular for food-importing countries, but also because of shrinking export markets for the continent’s farmers.

Across the European Union (the largest export market for Africa’s fresh fruits and vegetables), demand has dropped for popular products such as Kenyan avocados, South African citruses, and Moroccan vegetables. Kenya has also recorded an 8.5 percent decline for tea exports to destinations like Iran, Pakistan, and UAE. Within countries, we are already seeing that interruptions to transport and distribution systems are impeding small-scale farmers from accessing essential inputs – like seeds and fertilizer – and from getting their food to markets.

African governments have defined stimulus measures to mitigate national and regional economic impacts of COVID-19. As they do, they must remember that investments in agriculture can be up to five times more poverty-reducing than investments in other sectors. Investments in rural, small-scale agriculture are particularly important for the region’s food security, for safeguarding the livelihoods of some of its most vulnerable people and for sustaining the gains in poverty alleviation and wealth creation.

Small farms everywhere traditionally make a huge contribution to global food security. Around the world, small-farm dominated systems produce 50 percent of all food calories on 30 percent of the world’s agricultural land. In sub-Saharan Africa, however, the role of small-scale farms is even more significant: 80 percent of farms are small in most of these countries.

Even before the current crisis, globally more than 820 million people were going hungry daily. And the majority of the world’s poor and hungry people live in the rural areas of developing countries. In Africa, reliance on food imports, and lack of services and infrastructure to enable small-scale farmers to produce and market food, along with the shocks of climate change, have all increased the fragility of food access.

In April, the World Bank projected the pandemic would hit Africa the hardest of any region, pushing 23 million people into poverty. This raises the question of how small producers in Africa can get access to inputs and finance to grow and sell the food needed to ensure food security and support livelihoods. African leaders must be in the vanguard of funding solution

In April, the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD launched a multi-donor fund- COVID-19 Rural Poor Stimulus Facility (RPSF) – to address the immediate fallout of COVID-19 for rural people in Africa and elsewhere. IFAD specializes in investing in poor rural people, targeting the poorest and most marginalized. Among other goals, the new facility will provide small-scale farmers and fishers with basic inputs, and help them access markets and maintain cash flow. IFAD committed US$40 million to the new fund but aims to raise at least $200 million more from the UN Member States, foundations, and the private sector.

The Facility will complement and scale-up the work IFAD has already been doing to repurpose existing project activities. In Malawi, for example, a programme is providing social cash transfers to ultra-poor farmers and delivering messages about financial literacy and COVID-19 prevention. In Eritrea, vulnerable households are receiving small ruminants and seeds to strengthen, maintain production, access markets, and safeguard household food security during the crisis.

Agriculture contributes 65 per cent of Africa’s employment and 75 per cent of its domestic trade

These immediate actions are essential to mitigate the worst risks of the crisis. They are also important to safeguard IFAD’s past and ongoing investments to build the long-term resilience of rural livelihoods. Ultimately, we need to ensure that rural people and their businesses are the foundation of resilient rural economies and food systems across Africa. Then, when the next crisis strikes, the vulnerable people of today will be better able to protect their livelihoods and avoid the risk of falling into poverty and hunger.

So while it’s urgent to feed people today, we also must look to the days, months, and years ahead. This is one reason why IFAD prioritizes long-term rural and agricultural development and building resilience to future shocks. It is also why we urge policymakers to adopt any relevant lessons from how previous outbreaks like the Ebola virus affected agriculture and food systems.

In the long term, this pandemic underscores the need for Africa to transform agriculture and agribusiness as the surest path to inclusive economic growth, wealth generation, and greater resilience.

As Special Envoys, we believe in IFAD’s exceptional mandate and will continue to work closely with the Fund in mobilizing resources to support the most vulnerable on the African continent. The pandemic will expose the livelihoods of rural marginalized groups to unprecedented challenges. To restore hope to those affected, we commit strongly to the idea that no one will be left behind, especially in Africa.


Olusegun Obasanjo is the former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe, former Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Corona Virus pandemic

Opinion: Way to go in fighting COVID-19 in Rivers State | By: Senibo Chris Finebone

It is not for nothing that it is said that two heads are better than one. Then Prof. Kimse Okoko modified it to ‘two good heads.’

I believe that Gov. Nyesom Wike should involve his entire cabinet members  in managing Covid-19 in Rivers State. If he does that, I believe every Commissioner would be able to come up with their sub plans which will form a consolidated plan for the State Committee on Covid-19 to execute. Why am I saying this?

The Commissioner for Health, for example, should be able to have the presence of mind to make input as to how he expects sick residents to reach out and be attended to during the present total lockdown. He will make suggestions as to what those in distress, pharmacies, hospitals and other outlets should do and how during the lockdown. We cannot afford to let people die to save lives, like in digging a hole to fill another hole.

The Commissioner for Communication & Information will aggregate and outline his plans on how to proactively communicate every aspect of government actions in fighting Covid-19 to the people and in the process collate feedback which will further assist government in further tinkering up its plans and actions.

The Commissioner for Water Resources is likely to table his plan to intervene and temporarily provide water for the majority of Port Harcourt residents who do not have their own source of water supply apart from patronising water hawkers and kind-hearted neighbours. Or even state clearly that nothing can be done so that government will be aware that the people are on their own when it comes to water supply during a total lockdown.

The sanitation authority should be able to issue advisory to the public on how to deal with refuse generated during total lockdown, etc.

It does not give anyone joy to keep pointing at Lagos neither is it that they are perfect over there. But man naturally recalls what works. Long before the lockdown in Lagos was put into effect, selected neighbourhood fields were identified and plans made to sell food and medicine to residents. It may not be perfect but something was done.

In all, relevant ministries, departments and agencies will make helpful input towards giving government fight against Covid-19 a human face by lessening the burden of the fight on the common man.

Lockdown is an effective way to break the chain of Covid-19 spread but must be applied in a sensible way in different locales. There is no home in London, New York or Madrid that potable water is not reticulated into. Except you did not pay, there will always be water. Such is not the case in parts of our cities here where everyone owns his/her own water source. Then there are many areas where we have what is commonly referred to as ‘yards’ where many residents’ source of water is either from aboki water hawkers or good hearted neighbours. How much water can anyone store in such situations?

The governor of Rivers State should assemble his entire team and ask for input from each and every one of them to enable him fashion out a more organised war against Covid-19 in the State without losing sight of what is working elsewhere. With a novel virus like Coronavirus, no man knows it all and none can reinvent the wheel. He has the men no doubt. His Committee can then go ahead and implement. Meeting with State Security Council alone is not enough. That is what we are saying!

I believe that the next ideal steps that should be taken by government to checkmate Covid-19 pandemic in Rivers State can be compartmentalised into two areas. One should aim at blocking entry into the State by carriers of the virus and the second should be to contain community spread that has already started manifesting.

For the purpose of denying access into the State by infected persons, instead of locking down Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor local government areas, government should effectively lock down the borders between other states and the five gateway local government areas of Ikwerre, Emohua, Oyigbo, Etche and Tai. Everything should be done to block entry into the State through those border LGAs. However, in order to allow for agricultural produce and other essential items to be brought into the State, government should establish terminals or outposts at Emohua, Imo River Bridge area, Etche end (off Eleme Junction) and at Tai end of the East/West Road to screen and ensure that only agricultural produce and other essential items are brought into Rivers State.

On dealing with the ongoing community spread within Rivers State, it would be advisable to take another look at what Dr. William Schaffner, the US Centre for Disease Control (CDC) Advisor said a while ago concerning Covid-19. He said, “Don’t open up too fast, too quick and too soon. Covid-19 isn’t going away soon. The mask is the new normal.”

Phased Re-opening

Taking a cue from that, it will be necessary for government to evaluate all sectors of human activities in the state such as education, economy, transportation, entertainment, hospitality, agriculture, etc. and work out a safe and structured template for opening them up without jeopardising the effort to stem the pandemic. Schools should reopen in phases; eateries and bars should continue with take away or home delivery services for now; farmers may have to immediately embark on planting (if they have not) in a carefully planned way since theirs is seasonal, and so forth.

For public transportation, overloading of vehicles should continue to be discouraged but because of our peoples’ attitude, social or physical distancing is not going to work. Therefore, strict wearing of face mask and perhaps gloves should be enforced for all commuters.

Certain health facilities should be equipped to serve as first port of call for sick people so that they can be SAFELY diagnosed before going to the hospital or clinic of their choice. On the other hand, all clinics and hospitals should be made to establish safe diagnostic points. This will help stop our clinics and hospitals from becoming Covid-19 ‘hotspots.’

All the established protocol of hand washing, social distancing and avoiding crowded spaces should be strictly maintained and enforced.

Face Mask

It appears that with the arrival of vaccines not yet in sight, the face mask will become part of our lives for some time in everything we do especially in public. It helps to protect us from others and helps protect others from us. Government should facilitate the availability of the face mask to all and sundry. This should be distributed and sold evenly across the state and at a token price at least to confer some value to it. People tend to abuse free things. When schools reopen, wearing of face mask should be compulsory until such a time when we become 100 percent covid-19 free.

Testing

Like it has been said severally, testing is key. However, while I agree I still see a dicey dimension to testing. It is obvious that someone who tested negative now may still pick up the virus the next minute or hour or days depending on his/her exposure to it. More so, someone who tested negative may drop his/her guard and end up picking up the virus because both the carriers (especially the asymptomatic ones) still mix freely and innocently. This is why I see strict wearing of mask in public and adhering to specified hygiene protocols very important. Testing helps in its own way, do not get me wrong, but the figures will always change because of new infections. Testing does not do much to stop new infection because everyone still function in the same milieu or space. There is no way to identify an asymptomatic carrier as to avoid the person. All the same, government should also make testing available at border posts to protect residents of the State.

Isolation/Treatment Centres

In the developed world, most tested and confirmed carriers of the virus still recuperate at home. Only those with severe or breathing difficulties that are admitted into treatment centres. They isolate in a part of their residence until they get better. However, with the dearth of spacious and comfortable accommodation in our parts, very few can self-isolate safely at home. Therefore, more isolation centres should be provided to cater for the growing number of those that either test positive and unable to safely self-isolate at their homes or those whose symptoms have become severe requiring ventilators and close monitoring and treatment.

Vaccination & Treatment

The State Ministry of Health should constantly monitor what is happening nationally and internationally as to ascertain when help in form of vaccine and medication are available so that the State can procure.

Education & Communication

The government should adopt a multilingual and multiplatform approach to regularly and intensively educate residents on the dangers of Covid-19 and how to stay safe from the virus. Government should also be proactive in communicating its actions and plans to the people from time to time.

State Government Relations

The Rivers State Government should do all that it can to downplay any confrontation, power show or grandstanding with the federal authorities but cooperate very often to get issues sorted out for the benefit of all. The government should understand and appreciate the diligence of the IOCs in dealing with issues of Health & Safety. They are the last group that will treat the issue of Covid-19 with levity as to endanger the lives of their own workers and that of others. Government must resist the lure to drag them into the fray for any reasons. Since most of the IOCs turned their back on Warri, things have not been the same with the economy of that, hitherto, bubbling city.

Outlawing Of Street Begging

The government should use the opportunity of the lockdown to formally ban street begging in the State. This is necessary to forestall a return of street begging especially in Port Harcourt metropolis as government reopens business. This will send a strong message to beggars and intending ones who might want to travel from their states to ply their thing in the State. Overwhelming number, if not all street beggars in the State, are from outside of Rivers State. Given that the pandemic is now expected to be with us for sometimes means that all possible carriers of the virus must be denied space to transmit it to others.

Fumigation of Markets, Other Public Places

Elsewhere that lockdowns are being implemented, one of the most important steps taken by government is to massively disinfect public places, streets and transportation hubs that experience huge human traffic. Despite the partial and now total lockdown in PHALGA and Obio/Akpor, the Rivers State Government is yet to disinfect or fumigate a single market, street or facility. This has left many people wondering what real purpose the lockdown is supposed to serve. Moving forward, government should regularly declare lockdowns for two Saturdays in a month for the purpose of regularly fumigating public places especially markets and public buildings such as the government Secretariat Complex.

The Government should aim to diligently deal with all issues relating to Covid-19 in the same just and fair manner that its Committee on Palliatives appears to be handling the distribution of food items across the State even if the feeling is that the Committee should have exercised more inclusiveness by extending palliatives to indigent non-indigenes in PHALGA and Obio/Akpor.

Whether it is partial or full lockdown, at all times, attention must be focussed on providing the people access to FOOD, WATER & MEDICINE as the State Government and the people battle with Covid-19 pandemic. From all available and emerging fundamentals by experts at the global level, the war against Covid-19 may not be a dash, it is very likely to be a marathon.

Corona Virus pandemic

Opinion: COVID-19: Despite Nigeria’s Weak Healthcare Sector, Pvp-I May Help Prevent Disease Spread. | By: Oyindamola Adejumo-Ayibiowu

No doubt the emergence of COVID-19 is a global problem that will have a global effect. African countries may, however, end up being disproportionately affected by the deadly virus given that most of these countries entered the pandemic while still battling poor health infrastructures, poverty, corruption, and other challenges. Moreover, the unfair global trade system has perpetually put poor African countries in a cycle of dependence that makes them too weak to combat a pandemic without donor assistance. Unfortunately, many donor countries are also badly hit by COVID-19. Arguably, in the face of uncertain foreign assistance, Africa will need to stand up to the challenge containing the spread of the coronavirus. This is a time to look inward to devise local strategies based on Africa’s everyday reality rather than blindly copying others.

Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country and it has recorded 493 confirmed cases and 17 deaths within 7 weeks the country confirmed its first case. The number of infection appears small, but considering the fact that testing in Nigeria has been few and selective, it is possible that the low figure is unreal, putting Nigeria at a high risk of a major outbreak of the disease. I analyze Nigeria’s vulnerability from an Afrocentric perspective but make propositions that are based on scientific findings. I argue that the medical use of Povidone-Iodine by every high-risk citizen can salvage the country from experiencing an outbreak of the coronavirus.

Rising To the Challenge

To contain the spread of the coronavirus, Nigeria followed the conventional approach by prohibiting large gatherings, banning flights, and the lockdown of major cities. But there are challenges. Nigeria is an oil-dependent economy and the sharp fall in international oil prices, following the pandemic leaves the government with little resources to fight COVID-19. Even though Nigeria should be testing around 5000 to 10000 per day, the country has only expanded its testing capacity to 1,500 per day and this capacity has not been fully utilized. As of March 2020, Nigeria has less than 100 ventilator units and about 350 intensive care units (ICU), 95% of which are currently in use by patients suffering from other health conditions. In other words, Nigeria has less than one ICU bed per one million people. In light of the current situation, Nigeria may not be able to avoid a large number of deaths if the country is hit hard by COVID-19.

The implication and impacts of the lockdown also raise some concerns. In Nigerian cities, the larger percentage of the population live packed together in slums with limited access to clean water and sanitation. In such crowded neighborhoods, ‘stay at home’ mainly creates a form of social gathering where social distancing is impracticable and where diseases can easily spread. The lockdown also means untold hardship to many Nigerians who survive mainly on daily income earned through street businesses. It is not surprising that many people disobeyed the stay- at- home in order to find work or water. Doubtless, for the poor, the fear of hunger is far more than the fear of the coronavirus. Another counterproductive outcome of lockdown is the surge in crime. Enforcing the lockdown has been challenging, sometimes leading to violence, as well as harming and killings of citizens by operatives. It is worth mentioning that the government invested in some food stimulus package for vulnerable families, but this is grossly inadequate and the distribution chaotic. Nigerian experience shows that African countries with crowded slums and large informal sector cannot follow the playbook of total lockdowns like countries in Europe and Asia. Most importantly, it shows African countries must quickly device containing measures appropriate for crowded environments and with minimal impact on the livelihood of the poor.

Looking Inward

No doubt, Nigeria would require extensive financial and technical support from the global community to contain the spread of COVID-19. But since these donor countries are the same ones who have been hard hit by the pandemic, the Nigerian healthcare sector must rise up to this challenge. However, this sector is poorly developed due to several factors. With just 4% of Nigerian budget allocated to healthcare, Nigeria spends less on health than nearly every country in the world and the country also has one of the poorest health outcome indicators.  Nearly 20% of all global maternal deaths happen in Nigeria in 2015 while over 300,000 malaria deaths are recorded annually. The negative impact of western imperialism and globalization on Nigeria’s health sector cannot be underestimated. In 1986, the World Bank recommended that the local production of drugs in developing countries like Nigeria is not realistic which made Nigeria deemphasize local pharmaceutical production. Of course, such selfish recommendations discourage health innovations and make Africa’s healthcare sector perpetually import-dependent.

Nigeria particularly had since become a dumping ground for imported medicines which poses a serious threat to Nigeria’s health security during this pandemic. Access to imported medicines has now been difficult due to current travel bans around the world, while some critical medical supplies are now very scarce due to surge in demand. Unfortunately, any shortage of medical supplies may increase the influx of fake drugs in Nigeria. Currently, falsified chloroquine phosphate 250mg tablets manufactured in China have been found on circulation in Nigeria after it was announced that Chloroquine can be used for the treatment of COVID-19.

The opportunity

Despite the challenges, the COVID-19 pandemic provides an opportunity for reflection, creativity and innovation in healthcare, especially the pharmaceutical industry. Arguably, Nigeria urgently needs low-cost interventions that promise citizens the prevention of contracting COVID-19 even after the lockdown has been removed. It is for this reason I propose the medical use of Povidone-Iodine (PVP-I) solutions for the prevention and treatment of COVID-19 in Nigeria. There are hundreds of old and recent scientific studies confirming the efficacy of PVP-I against infectious diseases and viruses. Such findings are particularly useful for a poor country like Nigeria, which has a limited budget for research and development.

Povidone-Iodine (PVP-I) Against Coronavirus

Povidone-iodine (PVP-I) is an antiseptic used for treatment and prevention of infection in cuts, burns, and wounds as well as in surgical operating theatres. PVP-I formulations are usually at concentrations of 7.5–10.0% in solution, oral gargle, nasal and throat sprays, surgical scrub, ointment, and swabs. The efficacy of PVP-I as an antiviral agent is particularly important for the prevention of COVID-19 for clear reasons. Coronavirus disease is a respiratory virus that spreads when mucus or droplets containing the virus get into the body through eyes, nose, or throat. This spread often occurs through the hand and that is why handwashing with soap and the use of alcohol-based sanitizers are recommended. However, scientific evidence (Eggers et al 2015) shows that PVP-I hand wash and hand rub products are more effective in terms of viral reduction than alcoholic and non-alcoholic sanitizers, as well as antimicrobial soaps.

High frequency of mouth and nose touching has implications for transmission of infection. A study on face-touching behavior shows that on average, each observed student touched their face (including their mouth, nose, and eyes) 23 times per hour. Moreover, evidence shows that COVID-19 also called SARS-CoV-2 can be inhaled through the nose into the throat. Unfortunately, after coronavirus has gotten into the eyes, the nose or mouth of any individual, hand washing, or the use of sanitizer may be unhelpful. Medical experts suggest that recognizing the cells hosting viral entry and permitting viral replication is important to improve diagnoses and treatment of the novel coronavirus. Several studies (such as To et al, 2020 and Xu et al, 2020) aim at understanding viral load, (that is, the number of virus particles being carried by an infected person) found a high viral load in saliva at the early stage of COVID-19. Recently, Lescure et al (2020 preprint) also confirm that at an early stage of SARS-COV-2 infection, high viral loads were found in the upper respiratory tract samples. Sungnak et al (2020) report that higher viral loads can be observed in nasal swabs compared to those obtained from the throat.

These reports indicate that there is a high risk of transmission of the novel coronavirus during the very first days of symptoms. Anfinrud et al (2020, preprint) suggest that tiny droplets of saliva released while speaking can spread COVID-19. Sungnak et al (2020, preprint) particularly suggest that the nasal epithelium is an important portal for initial infection, and may serve as a key reservoir for viral spread across the respiratory mucosa and an important locus mediating viral transmission. Arguably, the early application of a potent antiviral agent to the mouth, nose and upper respiratory tract may be able to prevent the transmission of the disease. PVP–I solutions especially oral gargle, nasal and throat sprays may be useful for this purpose. Given the proven in vitro efficacy of PVP-I, early use of PVP-I based nasal spray and gargle mouth wash may significantly reduce viral load at the nose, mouth, and in the upper respiratory tract of an infected person thereby reducing the risk of transmission.  This proposition is supported by Eggers et al (2015) which tested the in vitro efficacy of 4% PVP-I; skin cleanser, 7.5% PVP-I surgical scrub, and 1% PVP-I gargle/mouthwash against coronavirus (MERS-CoV) and Modified Vaccinia Virus Ankara (MVA). Their results show that each PVP-I-based product substantially reduced by ≥99.99% virus particles in contaminated skin, in the oral cavity and the oropharynx within 15 seconds of application.

Experts also opined that with respiratory viruses like coronaviruses, the outcome of infection can sometimes be determined by how much virus actually got into the body and started the infection off, so that getting infected with fewer virus particles will likely cause less severe illness. Higher initial viral load are however associated with death (Chu et al, 2004). Given the efficacy of PVP-I to reduce viral load, the use of PVP-I products may likely reduce the severity of disease thereby reducing mortality. Early detection of Covid-19 infection and treatment with an antiviral agent may also hold some benefits because despite high viral loads found in the mouth and upper respiratory tract at the onset of disease, in many cases, at that time, the virus has not marched down to attack the lungs and other vital organs. For example, Xu et al (2020) report a high expression level of SARS-CoV RNA in saliva specimens of observed patients, some of whom had not yet lung lesion, suggesting the value of early diagnosis of saliva, similarly to SARS-CoV-2 or COVID-19. They also reported an animal study on early events of SARS-CoV infection which showed that SARS-CoV was detected in oral swabs before blood test turned positive on the second day after viral challenge through the nasal cavity.

Recommendation for poor countries

Foremost, this study offers many opportunities for further studies on the applicability of PVP-I against COVID-19. Recently Kirk-Bayley et al (2020, draft) have recommended for the United Kingdom, the immediate and nation-wide use of PVP-I in healthcare workers and their patients because of the observed high risk of transmission of COVID-19 in UK hospitals. Nigeria is currently at a high risk of experiencing an explosion of COVID-19 beyond the capacity of its weak healthcare system. To avoid this looming disaster and in the absence of a vaccine, I believe the regular use of PVP-I nasal spray, mouth wash, and skin cleanser should be encouraged among the populace in addition to social distance practice. This will surely reduce cross infection and severity of COVID-19 cases. Moreover, PVP-I has an excellent safety and tolerability profile and it is also available over the counter. Unlike other antiseptics, significant resistance or cross-resistance has not been observed for PVP-I.

However, Nigeria’s health authorities should quickly facilitate necessary research and clinical trials to aid the implementation of PVP-I as a measure to contain the spread COVID-19 in Nigeria. There are very few commercially available iodine-based nasal sprays and gargle/ mouth wash in the country. The facilitation of their local production and wide distribution should be a major direction of health policy. Local production of the products will also create large scale employment thereby resuscitating a seemingly comatose pharmaceutical sector.

Note: The opinions expressed in this article are of the authors and not of her current employer.


Dr. Oyindamola Adejumo-Ayibiowu has 18 years’ experience in development research and economic management. She is a graduate of Economics, Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), ile-ife, Master’s degree in Poverty Reduction and Development Management (International), University of Birmingham, UK, and Ph.D. Development studies, University of South Africa, Pretoria. Her professional experiences include the Central Bank of Nigeria, UNDP, EU, World Bank, AGRA, and IFAD. She currently works with the Federal Inland Revenue Service.

Opinion: The Way Forward: How Africa Can Make a Comeback from the Oil & Gas Downturn

Stunning drops in crude oil prices—the result of COVID-19-related declines in demand and an oil price war between Saudi Arabia and Russia—have been taking their toll around the globe this spring. For Africa’s oil-producing countries, where crude oil exports make up a large portion of their revenue, the situation is especially dire.

In Nigeria, for example, Finance Minister Zainab Ahmed recently warned of an imminent recession and requested billions of dollars in international emergency funding. As of the second week of April, national oil production in Angola was expected to fall from 1.8 million to 1.36 million barrels per day as the government prepared to freeze 30% of its goods and services budget. And Ghana, according to the Africa Centre for Energy Policy, stands to see a 53% shortfall this year in projected revenue from crude oil sales. There are similar difficulties across the continent.

There has been a ray of hope: a landmark production-cut agreement among OPEC, OPEC+ and G20 stakeholders on April 12 put an end to the oil price war. Shortly after that historical agreement, the African Petroleum Producers Organization (APPO) committed to significant crude production cuts of its own, effective May 1. While demand remains a concern, the production cuts will help lower oil inventories and should bring some stability to the oil market.
I am not saying we can expect smooth sailing from this point on. There’s no denying that the COVID-19 pandemic will continue to test African countries on multiple fronts, from the health and safety dangers it poses to our people to the economic devastation and low demand for crude. The situation is painful, but it’s not permanent. And when this chapter is over, African countries will recover.

Also Read: Opinion: After COVID-19, what will Africa look like in 2030 and 2063? | By: Banji Oyelaran-Oyeyinka

This is the time to lay the framework for that recovery. When demand for crude oil increases again, and it will, Africa will need exploration and production activities to resume. That means oil and gas ministries should be working now on regulations that foster a more enabling environment for investors and businesses. We should be fine-tuning our local content policies and exploring technologies that can contribute to a leaner, more profitable petroleum sector. Last October, I released a book that explains how we can accomplish these things, along with other measures that will help Africa better capitalize on its oil and gas resources. The ideas and examples it provides remain on point. We can still do this.

Exploring Solutions
With demand for oil at a historic low, it may seem odd to talk about E&P activity. But, as I have said, the situation we find ourselves in now is temporary. After we get through the current crisis, production will play a critical role in our economic recovery. We need indigenous companies involved so employees, business partners, and suppliers can benefit from these activities. We also need foreign companies that are willing to share knowledge and technology—and to create economic opportunities in the communities where they operate. That’s why it’s vital that government leaders take steps now to remove obstacles to launching production, from red tape and lengthy delays to excessive taxes. Governments also need to support smaller independent companies by breaking exploration maps into smaller sections. And we need better fiscal terms for companies like breaks on import duties.

This isn’t my first time to call for these things, I cover them in-depth in my book, Billions at Play: The Future of African Energy and Doing Deals. But in the COVID-19 era, they’ve become more important than ever.

Local Content: Striking a Balance
African countries need to develop fair, balanced local content policies that create economic and educational opportunities for Africans without overly burdening foreign investors and discouraging them from operating here. A shining example of this kind of balance can be found in Equatorial Guinea, which I wrote about in Billions at Play. “The government enacted requirements for international companies to hire Equatoguineans, contribute to training programs, and work with local subcontractors. They were careful to balance the need to boost local industry, however, with the limitations of the current local industry. They understood how unrealistic it was to require 100 percent local content until more training, education, and local capacity in that field is created.”

I’d like to see more African countries consider the example of Equatorial Guinea, along with successful local content policies in Nigeria and Angola, also covered in my book. Effective local content is key to helping everyday Africans realize the benefits of Africa’s oil and gas resources. This is a good time for leaders to look at what works and what doesn’t in their own policies and make the necessary adjustments.

It’s Time for More Tech
COVID-19 has forced companies around the globe to rely on technology to function, whether they’re using it to hold virtual meetings or monitor vital assets. I’m confident that technological solutions will play an important role in the comeback of Africa’s oil & gas industry, too. In my book, I described technology’s potential to help indigenous African oil & gas companies operate more efficiently and boost profits, which in turn, benefits their communities and promotes economic growth. “Innovations such as the development of new ways to drill wells and handle equipment, the design of new seismic data collection programs, the management of petroleum data systems, and the monitoring and protection of internet-connected equipment have the potential to redefine how business is done in this sector.”

Now, with economic difficulties and low oil prices, benefits like these could be more valuable than ever. I encourage African oil and gas companies to work with one another, and with local tech firms, to augment their technological capacities. African companies also should be pursuing partnerships with foreign investors that are open to technical knowledge and skills transfers. Billions at Play describes the successes that Angola-based Friburge Oil & Gas has had partnering with international technology providers to drive efficiency and environmentally friendly production methods. We need to see more companies doing the same. Governments can support these efforts through local content policies that call for knowledge sharing, along with the creation of educational initiatives and public-private partnerships.

Also  Read: Mitigating COVID-19’s impact on Africa’s food systems ~ By Atsuko Toda and Martin Fregene

Long before the unthinkable happened, and COVID-19 changed our world, I made a case for strategically harnessing Africa’s oil and gas resources to create stability and economic growth. Now, because of the pandemic, we find ourselves in a difficult place with extremely low oil prices and faltering economies. As a result, some of those strategies I’ve recommended may have to go on hold. Nevertheless, the steps I’ve put forth to help us reap the full benefits of our petroleum resources will still have merit when we emerge from this trial. If we start preparing now to set them in place, they’re even more likely to be successful.


NJ Ayuk is Executive Chairman of the African Energy Chamber, CEO of pan-African corporate law conglomerate Centurion Law Group, and the author of several books about the oil and gas industry in Africa, including Billions at Play: The Future of African Energy and Doing Deals.

Corona Virus pandemic

Opinion: Turning COVID-19 tragedy into opportunity for New Nigeria | By: Godwin Emefiele

As many people are now aware, the outbreak of the Novel Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) in China has rapidly permeated and profoundly changed the world. While this crisis is first and foremost a public health issue, which has claimed the lives of over 123,600 people worldwide, and counting, the economic damages are unprecedented on several fronts: crude oil prices have declined dramatically to as low as US$17 per barrel by the end of March, even before applying the discounts many oil exporters are offering; stock valuations for the NSE-ASI, Nikkei, Dow Jones and FTSE-100 have declined by an average of 23.8 percent between January and March 2020; global airlines have lost about US$252 billion in revenues and across the broad range of industries from hospitality to services, the pain is growing. These outcomes have expectedly thrown the global economy into a recession, the depth and duration of which is currently difficult to fathom. In fact, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts that the global economy would decline by 3 percent this year.

Around the world, countries have moved away from multilateralism and responded by fighting for themselves with several measures to protect their own people and economies, regardless of the spillover effects on the rest of the world. According to the World Customs Organization, a total of 32 countries and territories, adopted stringent and immediate export restrictions (https://bit.ly/34EmqxW) on critical medical supplies and drugs that were specifically meant to respond to COVID-19. As of 10 April 2020, an updated count of total export restrictions by the Global Trade Alert Team (https://bit.ly/3bd9AJh) at the University of St. Gallen, Switzerland suggest a total of 102 restrictions by 75 countries (https://bit.ly/2V7sHih).

On 4 March 2020, Germany announced an export ban that applied to all sorts of medical protection gear including breathing masks, medical gloves and protective suits. Around the same time, President Macron announced that France will requisition all face masks produced in the country, a de facto export ban. Between 8 February 2020 and 6 April 2020, India released eight (8) different export notifications banning several drugs and medical supplies including hydroxychloroquine, ventilators, personal protections masks, oxygen therapy apparatus, and breathing devices. On 3 April 2020, the Trump Administration invoked the war-era US Defense Production Act to stop major US mask manufacturer, 3M, from export of respirator masks, N95, to Canada and Latin America.

Also Read: Opinion: The pandemic is no time for fiscal distancing | By: Akinwumi Adesina

Fears of a long global recession have also led to worries about unprecedented global food insecurity, with concerns that agricultural production may be dislocated by containment measures that constrain workers from planting, managing and harvesting critical crops. Rather than seek cooperative and global solutions, several countries have resorted to export restrictions of critical agricultural produce.

According to the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), about 37 countries have enacted various forms of food export restrictions in response to COVID-19, even in countries where average production exceeds domestic consumption.

For example, Viet Nam, the world’s third largest exporter of rice, suspended granting rice export certificates until the country “reviews domestic inventories”. Russia, the world’s largest wheat exporter, announced a ten-day ban on the export of buckwheat and rice due to concerns over panic buying in local supermarkets.

What if these restrictions become the new normal? What if the COVID-19 pandemic continues in a second wave or another pandemic occurs in which all borders are shut, and food imports are significantly restricted? What if we cannot seek medical care outside Nigeria and must rely on local hospitals and medical professionals? For how long shall we continue to rely on the world for anything and everything at every time?

Although these developments are troubling, they present a clear opportunity to re-echo a persistent message the CBN has been sending for a long time, and at this time even more urgently so: we must look inwards as a nation and guarantee food security, high quality and affordable healthcare, and cutting-edge education for our people.

For a country of over 200 million people, and projected to be about 450 million in a few decades, we can no longer ignore repeated warnings about the dangers that lie ahead if we do not begin to depend largely on what we produce locally, because the security and well-being of our nation is contingent on building a well-diversified and inclusive productive economy.

When I became Governor of the Central Bank in June 2014, imports of rice, fish, wheat and sugar alone consumed about N1.3 trillion worth of foreign exchange from the Bank. The immediate question that came to my mind was: can we not grow these ourselves? After all, only a few decades ago, Nigeria was one of the world’s largest producers and exporters of palm oil, cocoa and groundnuts.
Today, we import nearly 600,000 metric tonnes of palm oil, whilst Indonesia and Malaysia, two countries that were far behind us in this crop, now combine to export over 90 percent of global demand. In 2017, Indonesia earned US$12.6 billion from its oil and gas sector but US$18.4 billion in from palm oil. I believe that this pandemic and the immediate response of many of our trading partners suggest it is now more critical than ever that we take back control, not just control over our economy, but also of our destiny and our future.

In line with the vision of President Muhammadu Buhari, the CBN has indeed created several lending programmes and provided hundreds of billions to smallholder farmers and industrial processors in several key agricultural produce.

These policies are aimed at positioning Nigeria to become a self-sufficient food producer, creating millions of jobs, supplying key markets across the country and dampening the effects of exchange rate movements on local prices.

This philosophy has been a consistent theme of the CBN’s policies over the last couple of years. At the 2016 Annual Bankers’ Dinner, I challenged the bankers that we needed to take decisive actions to fundamentally transform the structure of our economy. Throughout that speech, I talked about the damaging effects of Nigeria’s unsustainable propensity to import, and opined that it was high time we looked inwards and stopped using hard-earned foreign exchange (FX) to import items that we could produce locally.

This determination, therefore, formed the bedrock of the Bank’s policy, which restricts access to FX for importers of many items. These sentiments were re-echoed at the 2017 edition of the same Bankers’ Dinner, with specific examples of several companies that have benefited significantly from this policy of self-sufficiency. With President Buhari’s full support, we have continued to refine this policy to ensure that the best interest of Nigeria is served.

Many times, the Bank has been accused of promoting protectionist policies. My answer has always been that leaders are first and foremost accountable to their own citizens. And if the vagaries of international trade threaten their wellbeing, leaders have to react by compelling some change in patterns of trade to the greater good of their citizens.

That is why in response to COVID-19, we are strengthening the Nigerian economy by providing a combined stimulus package of about N3.5 trillion in targeted measures to households, businesses, manufacturers and healthcare providers. These measures are deliberately designed to both support the Federal Government’s immediate fight against COVID-19, but also to build a more resilient, more self-reliant Nigerian economy.

We do not know what the world will look like after this pandemic. Countries may continue to look inwards and globalization as we know it today may be dead for a generation.

Therefore, as a nation, we cannot afford to continue relying on the world for our food, education and healthcare. The time has come to fully transform Nigeria into a modern, sophisticated and inclusive economy that is self-sufficient, rewards the hardworking, but protects the poor and vulnerable, and can compete internationally across a range of strategic sectors.

In order to achieve this goal, we must begin immediately to support the Federal Government to:

1) Build a base of high quality infrastructure, including reliable power, that can engender industrial activity;

2) Support both smallholder and large scale agriculture production in select staple and cash crops;

3) Create an ecosystem of factories, storages, and logistics companies that move raw materials to factories and finished goods to markets;

4) Use our fiscal priorities to create a robust educational system that enables critical thinking and creativity, which would better prepare our children for the world of tomorrow;

5) Develop a healthcare system that is trusted to keep all Nigerians healthy, irrespective of social class;

6) Facilitate access to cheap and long-term credit for SMEs and large corporates;

7) Develop and strengthen pro-poor policies that bring financial services and security to the poor and the vulnerable; and

8) Expedite the development of venture capitalists for nurturing new ideas and engendering Nigerian businesses to compete globally.

India is in a position to ban exports because it is producing critical drugs and medical supplies that the rest of the world needs. It also has companies that are global champions, and even making mergers and acquisitions in advanced nations. Why should this be out of our reach? We have the companies too; we have the manpower and some of the best brains in the world from the Americas to Europe and from Asia to Africa are Nigerians; driving global innovations in all fields. Nigerians are successful everywhere, and are already one of the most sought after immigrant groups in the United States.
But now is the time to seize this opportunity and create an environment that empowers our people to thrive within our own shores.

To this end, the Central Bank has developed a Policy Response Timeline to guide our crises management and the orderly reboot of the Nigerian economy.

Immediate-Term Policies (0-3 Months):

In light of the fact that this crisis is an exogenous one thrust upon us without much warning, this phase reflects the government’s efforts at containment and mitigation. Although global cases are heading towards two million with over 123, 600 deaths as of 14 April 2020, we now have 343 cases, of which 10 deaths and 91 recoveries have been recorded.

With President Buhari’s continuing strong leadership, Nigeria can now test 1500 persons per day in twelve (12) Molecular Test Laboratories. We believe that this strong leadership in travel restrictions, lockdown, social distancing, and other measures have been greatly effective to curbing the spread of the disease. More so, the Presidential Task Force and Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) have helped the country stay ahead of the curve with increased testing capacity, provision of better-equipped isolation centres, and effective contact tracing. Within this milieu, the CBN has responded in several ways, first by supporting hospitals and pharmaceutical industry with low interest loans to immediately deal with the public health crises; then by working with the private sector Coalition Against COVID (CACOVID) to support the Presidential Task Force across its response, while mobilizing palliatives for the poor and vulnerable.

Under this Immediate-Term Response, we have activated the following:

1) Ensuring financial system stability by granting regulatory forbearance to banks to restructure terms of facilities in affected sectors;

2) Triggering banks and other financial institutions to roll-out business continuity processes to ensure that banking services are delivered in a safe social-distance regime for all customers and bankers;

3) Granting additional moratorium of 1 year on CBN intervention facilities;

4) Reducing interest rates on intervention facilities from 9 percent to 5 percent;

5) Creation of N50 billion targeted credit facility for affected households & SMEs;

6) Strengthening the Loan-Deposit Ratio (LDR) policy, which is encouraging significant extra lending from banks;

7) Improving FX supply to the CBN by directing all oil companies (international and domestic) and all related companies (oil service) to sell FX to CBN and no longer to the NNPC;

8) Providing additional N100b intervention in healthcare loans to pharmaceutical companies, healthcare practitioners intending to expand/build capacity;

9) providing N1 trillion in loans to boost local manufacturing and production across critical sectors; and

10) Engendering financial inclusion by ensuring the poor and vulnerable are able, by all means necessary, through banks, microfinance, community and non-bank financial institutions, to access financial services to meet their basic needs.

Short-Term Policy Priorities (0 – 12 months):

As soon as President Muhammadu Buhari and the Health authorities determine our Coronavirus Transmission Curve is flattening and many of the ongoing restrictions are eased, this will be the phase for repositioning the Nigerian economic space. As part of the lessons from the current pandemic, we must ensure that that our value-added sector, the manufacturing industry is strengthened. Accordingly, the CBN will pursue the following policies in this phase:

1) Reinvigorate our financial support for the manufacturing sector by expanding the intervention all through its value-chain. In most cases, we will ensure that primary products sourced locally provide essential raw material for the manufacturing sector except where they are only available overseas;

2) With the support of the Federal Government, the CBN will embark on a project to get banks and private equity firms to finance homegrown and sustainable healthcare services that will help to reverse medical tourism out of Nigeria. By offering long-term financing for the entire healthcare value-chain (including medicine, pharmaceuticals, and critical care), banks will work with healthcare providers to consolidate on the current efforts to rebuild our medical facilities in order to ensure Nigeria has world class affordable hospitals for the people of Nigeria and those wishing to visit Nigeria for treatment;

3) The CBN will promote the establishment of InfraCo PLC, a world class infrastructure development vehicle, wholly focused on Nigeria, with combined debt and equity take-off capital of N15 trillion, and managed by an independent infrastructure fund manager. This fund will be utilized to support the Federal Government in building the transport infrastructure required to move agriculture products to processors, raw materials to factories, and finished goods to markets, as envisaged at the CBN Going for Growth Roundtable in March 2020; and 4) Continue to prioritize the provision of FX for the importation of machinery and critical raw materials needed to drive a self-sufficient Nigerian economy.

Medium-Term Policy Priorities (0 -3 Years):

Once the world returns to some new normal having tamed COVID-19 by a combination of vaccines and social distancing, and the Nigerian economy reopens fully for business, we will act quickly to enable faster recovery of the economy by targeted measures towards particular sectors that are able to support mass employment and wealth creation in the country. We will do so by focusing on four main areas, namely, light manufacturing, affordable housing, renewable energy, and cutting-edge research.

In manufacturing, for example, it is pertinent to note that Nigeria’s gross fixed capital formation is currently estimated at N24.55 trillion made up residential and non-residential properties, machinery and equipment, transport equipment, land improvement, research and development, and breeding stocks. Of this estimated value, machinery and equipment, which are the main inputs into economic production, are currently valued at only N2.61 trillion. In order to pursue a substantial economic renewal, including replacement of at least 25 percent of the existing machinery and equipment for enhanced local production, we estimate at least N662 billion worth of investments to acquire hi-tech machinery and equipment.

Therefore, the CBN will consider an initial intervention of N500 billion over the medium term, specifically targeted at manufacturing firms to procure state-of-the-art machinery and equipment and automated manufacturing models that would fast-track local production and economic rejuvenation, as well as support increased patronage of locally processed products such as cement, steel, iron rods, and doors, amongst several other products. The recent private sector investments in cement production using enhanced technology and automated manufacturing models is a good example of the kind of economic renewal we will be pursuing in this phase. We will develop a thorough screening process and stringent criteria for equipment types that would qualify for funding under this phase.

In order to boost job creation, household incomes and economic growth, we will be focusing our attention to bridging the housing deficit in the country, by facilitating government intervention in three critical areas: housing development, mortgage finance, and institutional capacity.

We will pursue the creation of a fund that will target housing construction for developers that provide evidence of profiled off-takers with financial capacity to repay. The current identification framework in the banking sector using the bank verification number (BVN) will be used to verify the information provided by the off-takers before the developer can access the funds. We will also be considering ways to assist the Mortgage Finance Sub-sector as well as build capacity at the State levels for their land administration agencies to process and issue land titles promptly, implement investment friendly foreclosure laws and reduce the cost of land documentation, as this has remained a major inhibiting factor in the provision of affordable housing in the country.

Over the next 3 years, we will also support the financing of environmentally friendly energy production, as this has a tangential long-term health benefits. We will look at efforts to drive innovation and research in every sector, through our universities, research institutions, creative industry initiatives, and all other media of novelty and inventions.

In conclusion, I believe we must now envision and work toward a Nigeria with the cutting edge medical facilities to provide world class care to the sick and vulnerable; enable our universities and research institutions to provide the requisite education and training that is required to keep these ecosystems functioning sustainably and efficiently; and millions of Nigerians employed in meaningful and well-paying jobs. This is the Nigeria that we must aspire to build.

COVID-19 may have plunged us into a crisis of unprecedented proportions. But, as Winston Churchill once admonished, we must never let a crisis go to waste.

SOURCE: The Central Bank Of Nigeria


-Godwin I. Emefiele, CON is Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria

Mitigating COVID-19’s impact on Africa’s food systems ~ By Atsuko Toda and Martin Fregene

The global spread of COVID-19 and the rising number of coronavirus cases in Africa are fueling anxiety about negative economic growth, failing healthcare and collapsing food systems

We are facing great uncertainty on the African continent. The global spread of COVID-19 and the rising number of coronavirus cases in Africa are fueling anxiety about negative economic growth, failing healthcare and collapsing food systems. We are already grappling with a locust outbreak in the Horn of Africa, drought and flood extremes due to climate change and increasing food importation costs  of more than $47 billion in 2019. The convergence of all these sets the stage for an imminent food crisis –  unless measures are taken to mitigate the impact of the pandemic.

Consider also that the U.S. dollar has surged against emerging market currencies, reducing the purchasing power of countries reliant on commodity imports and sparking higher consumer prices. Inflationary pressure on food staples can breed social tension and even unrest.

Anti-pandemic measures like nationwide lockdowns and border closures compound food shortages – especially of nutritious but perishable foods like fruit and vegetables. Restrictions on movement and quarantine measures impede farmers’ access to markets. In Nigeria, rice prices are 30% higher than in January, thanks to panic buying, transport restrictions and rising global prices.

Also, foreign direct investment and aid into Africa is expected to fall, or be delayed as international investors and development partners redirect capital to their local economies and into stimulus packages to combat COVID-19.

But Africa is coming up with its own solutions for these challenges, with the African Development Bank being prominently involved. To address the threat of food security, several short-term measures are being taken:

  • Creation of a “green channel” for the free flow of food and agricultural inputs.
  • Creation of strong demand for agricultural inputs of fertilizer, seeds and agro-chemicals through smart input famer subsidies.
  • Measures to prevent food price hikes by releasing food from government grain reserves and implementing anti-hoarding policy.
  • Rapid scale up of food production technologies, including high-yielding, early-maturing, drought-tolerant, disease- and pest-resistant staple crops, livestock and fish through programs like the Bank’s Technologies for African Agricultural Transformation initiative. (taat-africa.org)
  • Feeding programs for the worst affected and most vulnerable zones.

Medium to longer-term food security interventions include:

  • Provision of recovery strategy support to key supply chain players like logistics companies and anchor farmers.
  • Strengthening food supply chain resilience via efficient production, processing and value addition.
  • Enforcing food safety, improved food quality and traceability policies in the post-coronavirus period.
  • Promoting digitalization and e-commerce in markets hit by COVID-19.

Guided by lessons learned from previous health crises, including the Ebola epidemic, the Bank has responded to the pandemic by putting together a package of support for the public and private sector. The COVID-19 Response Facility will mobilize up to $10 billion to provide financial assistance to African countries fight the pandemic. The Bank has also raised a $3 billon COVID-19 bond, proceeds of which will go to address fiscal challenges, as well as emergency procurement of drugs, vaccinations, ventilators and other health-related expenditures, as well as feeding programs, agro-input subsidies and other socio-economic interventions.

To rebound from the pandemic, Africa must maintain adequate food reserves, avoid protectionist policies and promote value chains that link domestic and international markets. As the Bank takes a key role in supporting African countries to design and implement coordinated policy responses, it will work with regional partners including the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, as well as international ones such as the World Trade Organization, the Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition, the Food and Agriculture Organization, the World Bank, and other international partners.


Dr. Martin Fregene is the Bank’s Director of Agriculture and Agro-industry.

Atsuko Toda is Director of Agricultural Finance and Rural Development at African Development Bank.

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