
The Lagos City Marathon – A Participant’s personal experience.

Governor Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State maintains his false sense of security and invincibility with delusions of grandeur. He avoids looking scared when in fact he’s in panic overdrive. He embalms his face with cosmetic joy when he’s bleeding from inside. He disregards bad news. Dodges the reality.
But lately, joy has been hard to find for the ex-danfo driver and star of Ekitigate. He’s been hounded for his past and for sure his sins would find him out. He hates to embrace humiliations of his ruthless ambition, recklessness, crudeness, and oasis of lies and other despicable atrocities that have become Fayose. It’s no surprise that his ardent loyalists have all deserted him. “Let the fool hang himself,” they seem to be saying.
Reputed for shaking things up and accomplishing nothing, a man of architectural character oddity, with looney tunes coming out of unguarded outbursts these days. Two Sundays ago or so, Fayose called a press conference in Lagos to announce to the world his impending doom in a prophetic declaration. He said the Federal Government headed by President Muhammadu Buhari was plotting to reverse his election victory at the Supreme Court using a phantom military report based on the military inquiry of Ekitigate. He said he was aware that the Buhari administration was after him.
He warned that any attempt by the Buhari administration to remove him from office would be resisted by Ekiti people. In a panic overdrive, Fayose said: “The military panel over last year governorship election in Ekiti State is (a) hatchet job. They have a target, but we are waiting for them. They are after me but I’m prepared for them. I am the governor of Ekiti State, I have history, I have record. Any attempt to invade my state will meet our resistance.”
“The day Buhari singles me out,” boasts Fayose, “his government will crumble. They have attempted to impeach me, they didn’t succeed, they disturbed my swearing-in ceremony and they failed. They now set up a military panel to upturn what the Supreme Court had decided in my favour. We are waiting for them. Any attempt to rob the people of Ekiti State of their mandate will lead to chain of events, the end of which no one could accurately predict.”He described President Buhari’s war on corruption as vengeance. “After flagrantly disobeying court orders,”says Fayose, “whatever that is done or said by the Buhari-led government concerning Sambo Dasuki will appear vindictive…”How can any inquiry about Ekitigate exclude Fayose, the star of the famous election rigging video? How can Fayose deny his star role in the biggest election fraud and cover up? Why is Fayose foaming on both sides of his mouth with epilepsy of lies about Buhari’s administration? Who is out to get him? Buhari or Ekitigate?
Fayose, no doubt, is feeling the weight of his guilt. He’s carrying a heavy load of guilt and he’s been weighed down by guilt. Guilty conscience is causing him nightmare. Fayose is like a bank robber whose guilty conscience stopped him from making a quick getaway after a successful bank robbery operation but instead waits for the police to arrive and arrest him.Fayose had substituted anger for his guilt in Ekitigate and cannot own up to what he did in rigging himself into office. He’s using anger to chastise President Buhari and tries to preempt the looming sword of Damocles on his head. He’s using anger to look good to protect his tattered fragile remnants of self-esteem. This is the basis of his macho behaviour, bullying, and aggression.
Denial, aggression, projection, and blaming President Buhari are Fayose’s defence mechanisms which help him to avoid feeling guilt and shame. Using projection, Fayose blames President Buhari and APC instead of looking at his own part of the problem. As the saying goes, what you resist persists. What Fayose is resisting – arrest, prosecution and punishment – would persist and eventually take place.
Fayose has become the ultimate traitor to both God and the State. He constitutes a counter-kingdom of perversion and disorder. He has become a personification of all forms of deviance and revolt. He demonises opponents as a tool to promote his political agenda and propaganda in order to remain in office. He operates on behalf of the devil’s agency.
History in the strict sense of the word is personal. The annals of centuries gone by are nothing more than individual days sewn together by those who keep the records using their own needle and thread. Fayose is writing his own history with his own needle and thread. When the history of democracy in my beloved Ekiti State is finally written, we’ll have to sift through the charred rubble of our wrecked civilisation etched with sticks into the barren dust brought about by ex-danfo driver, Ayodele Fayose.
Meanwhile, Fayose’s prophecy to meet with his nemesis – the Ekitigate – is lurking in the shadows. There is no escape route. Tic… Tac… Toc… Fayose, they’re coming for you!Credit: Premium Times.
You probably don’t know Sugabelly. I don’t know her either. But it is the twitter handle of a Nigerian lady: @sugabelly, who in the wake of the death of former Governor Abubakar Audu of Kogi State felt the urge to go public with her story. My foregrounding her/story as opposed to his/story is further affirmation of an earlier submission that Audu’s death is “inconclusive”.
As the rest of Nigeria mourned the death of Abubakar Audu and pondered the implications of an inconclusive electoral process, Sugabelly showed up on social media and started celebrating his death. Her message was that the death of the man was good riddance to bad rubbish. “I feel so amazing”, she wrote. “Like God actually answered my prayers… That’s usually how it is.
Powerful people rarely remember the people whose lives they destroy.” She alleged that Audu’s sons once gang-raped her-seven of them, when she was an impressionable 17-year old and that Governor Audu used his position as a big man to rubbish her, slammed her with a $2 million libel suit, denied her from getting justice, with his lawyers insisting that “14 years” is the age of consent under the Penal Code in the FCT, and so there is no case.
For eight years, her life, she says, has been a nightmare including contemplation’s of suicide and spells of manic depression. Her frustration is well articulated in her twitter handle and an extended commentary titled “Surviving Mustapha Audu and His Rape Brigade”.
I have heard people proclaim loudly that a traditional proverb says: “the witch cried last night and the child died in the morning” and they have been wondering whether there was some kind of extra-terrestrial, meta-physical animus which led to Audu’s sudden death.
Howbeit, Sugabelly’s allegation is that of unlawful carnal knowledge. Her protestation made the rounds for a few days largely uncelebrated, but it caught fire last Friday. For days, rape was the subject of discussion on Nigerian twitter. Opinion was divided with some calling Sugabelly, “a whore” and a badly brought up child but soon, the weight tilted heavily in her favour as the reactions panned out to focus on the menace of sexual assault against women and the devastating effect on persons, families, the victims and society.
One of the sons of Abubakar Audu was soon fingered as the leader of the rape brigade -by both Sugabelly and her staunchest supporter, @Echecrates. What happened subsequently is better experienced. A lady tweeting as Zahra – @oakleafbycg – jumped into the fray to defend him – hers was quite a spirited fight that lasted for hours, defending the integrity of her husband. She probably was defending herself too.
Her father-in-law was so close to being governor and he lost it, only for some twitter activists, and a sugabelly (what a name! by the way) to start suggesting that her husband has a rape case to answer. She is a good woman, isn’t she? I monitored the conversations, and it is difficult to conclude that anyone was successfully convicted for there were persons who raised questions about sugabelly’s identity, her motives and whether she is not just a spoiler, playing a sponsored political game.
The emergent consensus, however, focused on the menace of rape in our society. Some male commentators seeking to genderize the discussion also pointed out that they were once raped, too, but the pervasive impression was that young girls are more often the victims. I noted that there was very little talk about marital rape, which is ordinarily a major issue in the West, but which will be considered absurd by Africans.
There were some suggestions about rapists being put to death in line with the still untested Violence Against Persons Act, but as is the case with twitter, 140-word interventions do not necessarily an honest thinker or an intellectual make. It creates an illusion though, the illusion that someone whose reasoning is below 140 words is a mega-man of knowledge and insights.
Nonetheless, the matter between sugabelly and the Audu sons deserves a little more probing. I am tempted to commend sugabelly for throwing up the subject, but the real problem with rape in our society lies in the inadequacy of both legal and social responses. Both the law and the society stigmatise rape, and wrong-foot the victim. The relevant sections of the law in Nigeria today more or less ridicule the victim, and usually, the victim is female.
The biggest challenge for decades has been this manner in which the law humiliates the female victim: the procedure requires examination by a medical doctor and in open court, proving actual penetration up to the labia majora. That is a tough call for victims and families, and so, many cases end up unreported. Besides, the criminal justice system peopled by phallocentric officials is wont to dismiss any woman reporting rape: in Nigeria, it would be ridiculous indeed for a married woman or a girlfriend to report being raped by her husband or fiancée. From the policeman at the station to the presiding judge, if it gets to that stage, the case may die a natural death in the vortex of misogyny.
Culture is a major barrier: the search for virgins at the bridal chamber by African families is a long dead custom, but few families can stand the stigma of taking as wife, a woman who has been raped, and whose indignity has been broadcast.
Female victims are, therefore, reluctant to seek legal redress, first because of social stigma, and that is why there are very few convictions despite the regular incidence of rape. Any woman that is labeled a rape victim stands the risk of not getting a husband: families of prospective suitors will latch on to that evidence as if it is a mark of leprosy, and urge their sons to steer clear, creating for the woman’s family an undeserved dilemma. Despite the wave of modernity in our land, tradition remains resilient and marriage, going to a man’s house, is still, quite sadly, considered a woman’s ultimate achievement.
This is probably why, in due course, the accused also showed up in the conversation releasing e-mail exchanges between him and Sugabelly, and going as far as revealing her true identity and painting her as a “whore,” a liar and an opportunist. Parents, keep an eye on your sons and daughters! The family, the most important social unit, has a role to play.
Both male and female children should be brought up to respect ethical values and the rights of other human beings to dignity. The inferiorisation of the female gender often begins in the home, and there are too many cultural paradigms sustaining an objectionable model of parenting, which must change. Too many parents, too busy trying to make survival possible, have abdicated responsibility and it is society that is hurt as a result.
The solution also lies in legal reform: the laws on rape must become more progressive and enlightened. The statutes have been in urgent need of review for long; they must provide the necessary deterrence and not ridicule the victim; even the Violence Against Persons Act (2015) does not fully correct the mischief in the Criminal and Penal Codes.
There is also a trend now that must be addressed; namely, the objectification of women for profit or other purposes. The most recent illustration I find is the battle being waged on twitter and instagram by @blossomnnodim, who has since changed to @blossomozurumba (good luck to the man who is responsible for this blossoming), as she takes on a TBWA power charger advert, which instead of promoting the subject focuses on a woman’s biological gifts.
Blossom objects to this but she has since been accused of witch-hunting and idleness. Her critics miss the point. The objectification of women in popular culture erodes the dignity of women. But the worse of it all is that women themselves promote this negative effect. Nigeria has been lucky in locking into global trends on all fronts, but in a global village, we have not been successful in retaining local standards as a bulwark against negative, imperial cultural influences.
Social media, for example, is dominated by images of sexual libertinism; even our young ladies who are now role models on the basis of concrete accomplishments help to foster this image. I am making this point delicately; my concern is that we have too many Nigerian female role models who are busy trying to be like Amber Rose, Nicki Minaj, Rihanna, Kim Kardashian, Kylie Jenner, Rita Ora, Miles Cyrus, Blac Chyna – if you know what I mean, all those foreign cultural icons whose lifestyles commodify women.
Our own equivalents are all over social media: pretty girls who are perpetually showing cleavages, wearing body tights that accentuate curves, some even boast that they won’t wear bras and pants and that illicit sex is cool: that is how this self-denigration has grown all the way down, creating a sexual tension even among the uneducated wannabes. I am not victimizing the victim, knowing full well that there is that human rights border of freedom of choice and expression; still, new cultural realities should command certain limits.
Sugabelly may not get the sugar of contentment that she seeks, but let her be consoled that she has ignited a debate that may shed more light on the dilemma of rape, and/or sex with a minor (Penal Code or not), and the sad manner in which our society continues to produce children and adults who behave badly. Let us also hope that sooner or later, the sleeping Abubakar Audu will be allowed to lie, by his sons and the girl they allegedly raped.
It is not Audu that is on trial, it is his sons: sons of big men who go overboard with their life of privilege, and of course, Sugabelly- the overtly impressionable young girl- who are all still alive to be called to account, if not in regular court, but now, in the court of public opinion.
The travails of Fela Anikulapo Kuti
happened nearly a decade before I was born. Yet Carlos Moore’s book made me
rage at the injustice meted out to the man and his mother. A Very Good Bad Guy does not even come close. Heartbreakingly, it
is not for lack of talent or wherewithal to do a 2face story properly.
A writer has a responsibility to
document times and happenings correctly. He owes it to the reader to either
answer all his questions or allow the reader to deduce answers from his
writing. In 2024, children who were born in the year 2face released his debut
album would be university undergraduates and some of them would study the
defining era of Nigerian music. They would need to understand why it was such a
big deal for 2face to have won the Best African Act at the 2006 MTV EMA’s. They
would need to understand how big a deal it is for a Nigerian to have made the
soundtrack for a Hollywood movie. They would need to find out how a single
artiste swung the door open for a generation of African artistes to reach the
world. They would need an authoritative voice to teach them about the great
2face. A Very Good Bad Guy through Ayeni
Adekunle does not offer that; rather it is a catalogue of past articles, a
gloried scrapbook of The NET Newspaper. Maybe that was why even 2face look less
than enthused at the book launch.