Opinion: Why a Coup won’t work in Modern-Day Nigeria | By: Tony Ogunlowo

In the run-up to the October 1st Independence celebrations, Sahara Reporters leaked a story that a bloody coup aimed at destabilizing, and overthrowing, the democratic government of President Tinubu had been thwarted.

There is still no official confirmation of this till date even though top service chiefs have been replaced and more than 40 officers have been arrested by the DSS who allegedly have had them under surveillance since August 2024.

Nigeria is a different country to the way it was in the 60s, 70s and 80s when anybody, presumably any disgruntled junior officer, could just pick up a gun, overthrow the incumbents, become Head of State and start their dictatorships: Africa, and mostly certainly Nigeria, have moved on from the Abachas and Idi-Amins of the past.

A military junta coming into power will abolish all laws and will rule by degree, so it’ll be a question of them shouting ‘jump’ and the people going ‘how high?’. Nigerians have long evolved beyond this and it’ll only bring out the people, en-masse, to protest. And as we’ve seen from previous mass protests, such as #ENDSARS, it’s not easy to crush the will of the people anymore. No more are they scared of a soldier with a gun. And with social media to pass the word around and keep everyone up to date; a medium even the junta can’t control or shut down completely, as we’ve seen when the Buhari-led government tried shutting down Twitter usage in Nigeria, people just used VPNs to get around the ban. So, a government overall control of the media is out of the question.

Nigerians have tasted the freedom of democracy, however imperfect it may be, and a return to a repressive military will not be welcomed with open arms: people now have the right to elect whoever they want to rule them instead of having somebody imposed upon them.

For a military coup to be successful, the military will have to coral the people into a pen they can control: this can work in countries like Mali or Niger where the entire populace is less than the population of Lagos state. In Nigeria, a country of more than 200 million souls plus, the military is already stretched beyond its limits fighting insurgencies in the North and South-East so a new military junta won’t have the might – or equipment – to control the country successfully.

Mali and Niger armed forces removed democratically elected Presidents and their governments on the grounds of absolute abuse of office. Some will argue that the same should happen in Nigeria.

Whilst I’m not a big fan of President Tinubu, it’s got to be said  he’s been in power for less than two years and he inherited a mess from Buhari who in turn inherited it from Jonathan, who….need I go back any further? Logically thinking, anybody coming into power, military or civilian, will not have the power to change things overnight, as the people want, and the hardship will continue. For those old enough to remember when the Buhari/Idiagbon junta ousted Shehu Shagari from power in 1983 change did not happen overnight: it was a gradual undertaking and things weren’t as bad as they are now. So a military junta coming in will just huff and puff without getting anything done .And to make matters worse, the international community will be watching and will impose extremely tough sanctions upon the nation, in effect crippling all business transactions in and out of the country. And if they go as far as declaring an oil embargo and call in all loans obtained, the country will be finished.

Furthermore ECOWAS, the OAU – including President Trump’s USA – may decide on a military intervention to forcibly remove the junta from power because democracy cannot be seen to fail in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, as it has in Mali, Niger and elsewhere.( – and don’t forget Trump is looking for any excuse to bomb ‘disgraced’ Nigeria anyway!). If people think life under Tinubu is hard, then it’ll become unbearable.

In an earlier article (“Are Coups in Africa still a Good thing?) I did point out that if we are going to practice democracy the African way, there should be provision to remove inept and corrupt leaders the African way (aka a coup d’état). Without sounding like I’m contradicting myself, people like the late Robert Mugabe needed a palace coup to remove him from office (- as may well Paul Biya of Cameroon) for the systematic abuse of the democratic process that kept him in power. The same can be said also of the autocratic democracies of Niger, Mali etc who were also overthrown by the military. But the question is, as I pointed out then, is where do you draw the line?

Nigeria is still a fledgling democracy, I say it is still in its infancy, and mistakes will be made as we learn as once did the great democracies of the Western world: we are going to screw things up, abuse things but eventually we’ll get it right (whenever that might be!) as they say Rome wasn’t built in a day. Allowing the boys in khaki back will just send us back to square one and all the efforts of those who fought for modern-day democracy in Nigeria, like MKO, would have been in vain.

So the idea that a semi-illiterate gun-toting ‘who-build-dis-garda’ Army General seizes power and miraculously restores the country to its former glory, overnight, is not going to happen. It’s simply against the Law of Averages.

Follow Tony on Twitter: @Archangel641 or visit http://www.archangel641.blogspot.co.uk

Dani Alves’ Acquittal: A Test of Justice, Trust, and the Balance Between Belief and Proof

The acquittal of Dani Alves will be hailed by many as a vindication of the principle that no one should be convicted without reliable evidence. The appeals court in Catalonia overturned his rape conviction on the grounds that the accuser’s testimony contained “gaps, inaccuracies, inconsistencies and contradictions,” and that the evidence presented did not sufficiently surmount the presumption of innocence. In a legal culture that has increasingly stressed survivor rights and the need for robust corroboration in sexual-assault cases, this reversal highlights the tension between protecting victims and upholding due process. The ruling says less about the truth of what happened that night than about whether the case met the exacting burden required for criminal conviction, a burden the court concluded it did not.

Yet an acquittal does not erase the damage: Alves’ reputation, career prospects, and public legacy have been severely tarnished, and the emotional and psychological toll on the alleged victim remains real, regardless of the legal outcome. For many, this case is less about absolutes and more about trust; trust in courts, trust in testimonies, and trust in social institutions to balance rights and protections. Feminist groups and victim-rights advocates have already warned that high-profile reversals like this could chill future complaints and reinforce systemic barriers for survivors of sexual violence.  Meanwhile, Alves will likely seek to reclaim parts of his public life, possibly via lawsuits for defamation or compensation, but he faces an uphill battle in convincing a skeptical public that his acquittal equals exoneration.

Moving forward, the case should prompt several reforms, not only in Spain but in jurisdictions everywhere, about how sexual-assault allegations are investigated, adjudicated, and narrated in public. Courts must improve mechanisms to assess testimony, reconcile conflicting narratives, and integrate forensic and circumstantial evidence in a more transparent manner. Victims’ credibility must be neither assumed nor dismissed lightly; at the same time, accused persons must not be convicted on the basis of uncertain or tainted testimony. To discourage moral ambiguity, institutions; sporting bodies, clubs, media; must adopt standards for provisional measures (e.g. suspensions, investigations) that respect both accountability and fairness.

Ultimately, the Alves decision should spark deeper reflection on how societies treat sexual misconduct allegations in the court of law and in the court of public opinion. Public discourse must evolve to allow space for both empathy and rigor, or believing survivors while insisting on fair trials. If that balance is struck, the acquittal of Alves will be remembered not just as a legal twist, but as a moment when justice systems were challenged to perform at their best.

Culture Ruptures in Yoruba Gender Dynamics | By: Tolulope Victoria Adebileje

Before the white man’s ship touched our shores, the Yoruba world moved in rhythm with balance. Life was ordered not by gendered power but by communal responsibility. Men and women stood side by side in the fields, in the market, and at the council. Roles differed, but value was equal. Leadership flowed through wisdom and age, not through sex. Polygyny, then, was not a sign of male dominance but a social arrangement that offered women mutual support, economic stability, and shared motherhood in a society where no one was left behind.

That harmony did not survive the colonial encounter. With colonial rule came capitalism, Christianity, and a rigid moral code that recast African social systems in Europe’s image. The British could not comprehend a world where women traded, advised kings, or owned property. To make sense of Yoruba life, they rewrote it. They introduced gendered education, made the man the “head of the home,” and confined womanhood to the domestic space. Colonial capitalism turned what was once a system of interdependence into a hierarchy of control, one that rewarded men for dominance and taught women that their purpose was service. In the process, our culture was not only interrupted; it was rewritten.

Lola Shoneyin’s The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives bears witness to this rupture. Her novel opens inside the chaotic household of Baba Segi, a man who prides himself on his wealth, appetite, and four wives, the ultimate markers of patriarchal success. Yet beneath his confidence lies a broken echo of what polygyny used to be. Where precolonial polygyny was structured around care and complementarity, Baba Segi’s home is built on competition, secrecy, and survival. His wives are not companions in a communal system but rivals trapped in a house that feeds on their subjugation.

Young Iya Segi had worked tirelessly to amass a considerable fortune, only for her efforts to be exploited. Her mother, upon discovering that her daughter had secretly amassed a large sum of money, a troubling sign of her isolation and impending loneliness, responded by arranging a marriage for her, handing over every penny of that hard-earned savings to the man who would become Baba Segi. This decision, reflects a societal norm where marriage is often seen as a safeguard for young women, regardless of their agency or financial independence. Iya Tope, the second wife, enters the Alao household as a peace offering and payment from her father to Baba Segi. After a bad harvest and a big debt, an arrangement is made for Baba Segi to marry Iya Tope. Iya Femi, the third wife, enters into marriage with Baba Segi as a desperate escape from years of mistreatment as a housemaid after being rubbed of her inheritance by her greedy uncle. For her, the marriage is not about love or partnership but a means of liberation from a life of servitude.

Bolanle, the youngest and most educated of Baba Segi’s wives, chose to marry him not out of love or necessity, but out of a deep-seated belief that she no longer deserved a partner who mirrored her background or aspirations. Having endured the trauma of a violent rape and a secret abortion in her youth, she carried a profound sense of shame and brokenness. Baba Segi’s proposal came with no probing questions, no demands for her past, only the promise of a quiet life where her sole duty would be to bear children. To Bolanle, this seemed like refuge, a place to disappear into silence. In that home, she believed, she could hide, bury her past, and fulfill the only role required of her, childbearing. The marriage, then, became not a union, but an escape. A muted surrender to a life where silence was safer than self-expression.

Through these characters, Shoneyin captures the full cost of cultural distortion. The wives are not inherently submissive, they are products of social conditioning. They have learned to play the roles that secure acceptance in a system that never truly valued them. The result is a house governed by suspicion rather than solidarity, envy rather than empathy. Even as they resist Baba Segi’s authority, they reinforce it by turning on one another. Iya Segi, proud of her position, mocks Bolanle’s education, warning her that schooling “teaches a woman to look at men as equals.” It is one of the novel’s most devastating lines, a reminder that patriarchy no longer needs men to enforce its rules when women have been trained to guard them.

Baba Segi himself is a relic of a colonial masculinity that confuses control for honour. He cannot read or write, yet he considers himself the ultimate patriarch. His ignorance mirrors a society that has mistaken dominance for strength. Eventually, due to the wives’ deceit, concealing the paternity of their children, the balance of the home begins to crumble, exposing how fragile the patriarchal order truly is.

Bolanle’s decision to leave Baba Segi is not simply an act of rebellion; it is an act of restoration, a return to selfhood, to the forgotten truth that womanhood need not be tethered to a man’s validation. Her departure represents the feminist reconditioning our society desperately needs: a conscious unlearning of the internalised hierarchies that masquerade as culture.

The Secret Lives of Baba Segi’s Wives reminds us that patriarchy in Nigeria is not native; it is inherited. It grew from the collision of colonial capitalism and cultural dislocation. And if it was learned, it can be unlearned. The task before us is to remember what our foremothers knew; that power shared is power multiplied, that womanhood is not a role to be performed but a life to be lived.

To repair the rupture, we must teach differently, speak differently, and raise our daughters, and sons, to value equality and mutual respect. For the Yoruba once knew balance. We can know it again.

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Tolulope Victoria Adebileje is a researcher and educator whose work explores colonial social conditioning, internalised patriarchy, and feminist reconditioning in Nigerian womanhood.

Opinion: A Lesson in Humility | By: Tony Ogunlowo

Recently, a young Nigerian man did something thousands of people wouldn’t do in a million years.

He gave up everything he had, and was, to become a Catholic priest.

What makes Rev Father Chris Orajiaka’s story very fascinating is what he gave up to enter the seminary and priesthood: highly educated, he has two degrees, a multi-million Naira business with all the trimmings expected of a successful young man.

Some people might think he’s mad or his village people have been working overtime but before we start judging his decision to answer a calling perhaps we should muse on the saying “What does it profit a man…”.

We spend every waking moment of our lives chasing a fast buck so that we can afford the finer things life has to offer, but at what cost? Enough is never enough: so a man with 5 cars in his garage still wants another one, a woman’s wardrobe is outdated before the end of the season and she needs new ones, before we can fully work iPhone15 we’re rushing out to buy iPhone16 and somebody with a billion dollars in the bank wants billions more. As a result, we end up trapped in this cycle of forever wanting more and more and this becomes our lives with a majority of our material acquisitions acquired mainly for show or public validation. Don’t get me wrong we do ‘need’….there are bills to be paid and stuff like that. The basic requirements of life still need to be met.

The strange thing is that the minute we draw our last breath everything we spent a lifetime accumulating ceases to be ours: everything, the cars, houses and money now becomes the property of who ever its willed to…or in Naija, where wills are non-existent or ignored, whoever grabs the most. All that sweat, hard work, hard earned money and it now belongs to somebody who didn’t work for it.

So, when somebody walks away from it all to live a life of religious poverty, Chasity and sometimes silence, it raises eyebrows. The turning point is when you’ve got it all and graduated from the ‘wanting-more’ phase and realise there is a void in your life: something is missing, a void all your material possessions can’t fill. At this point you start to question the reason for your existence (- something us old folk do when we reflect back on our lives and wonder what it was all about). And all these questions inevitably lead back to why God, the Supreme Being, really put us on Earth. Shakespeare’s words of “….all the world’s a stage, and all the men and women merely players..”.  comes to mind.

But why?

Why is ‘why’ some people will leave everything earthly behind to worship a God, a supreme being, they’ve never seen but believe exists to try and understand what his will really is and how best to achieve it. The quest for knowledge – and wisdom – to connect with God is the only thing that can fill in the void and explain our existence and the result is a more fulfilling life.

It’s not all about swanning around in a Rolls Royce and private jets and dancing to whatever tune society demands you dance to. (SM is full of people trying to live up to the whims of their ‘public’). It’s one of the reasons a lot of A-listers and top people are not happy: they may seem happy because they seem to have it all but inwardly they’re not. Money can’t buy everything. There will always be something missing from their lives they can’t buy like inner peace and contentment being top of the list.

Now not all of us can drop everything and enter the clergy because we’ve got an inward desire to know more about God and our existence, because we’ve got families, friends and acquaintances who depend on our very existence. Again, being an ordinary person, outside of the priesthood, walking around with nothing – and celibate – will garner some strange looks – and remarks! So, living like a monk or priest, outside of the profession, is out of the question.

So how do we make the God-like connection?

Simple. Cut down on the material acquisition obsession (- aka ‘Superceding the Jones’s!) and become more minimalist which in turn cuts down on the stress and ultimately frees the mind to explore its Higher Consciousness which in turn fills in the void, the emptiness, you experience when you’re alone behind closed doors.

And to answer the original question as to why a young man would give it all up to become a celibate Rev Father: I think he did it because he’s seeking a more meaningful life that money can’t buy. Something beyond the fast rat race.

Think of how enriched your life can be if you can escape, or control, the clutches of the Spirit of Materialism.

 

Follow Tony on Twitter: @Archangel641 or visit http://www.archangel641.blogspot.co.uk

When Women Guard the Gates of Patriarchy | By: Tolulope Victoria Adebileje

Across generations, women have been taught that a “good woman” knows her place, that patience is a woman’s crown, and that endurance is the true mark of virtue. These lessons, passed down lovingly from mothers to daughters, were never meant to wound. They were meant to prepare, to protect women in a world that has always demanded their quiet submission. Yet these same lessons have become invisible chains, binding women to systems that depend on their compliance to survive.

Patriarchy, contrary to popular belief, is not sustained by men alone. It is reinforced every day through the actions, choices, and teachings of women, mothers, wives, teachers, and community leaders, who have been conditioned to see subservience as righteousness and domination as order. This conditioning is not innate; it is learned, rehearsed, and deeply internalised through what I call colonial social conditioning.

Before colonial contact, Yoruba gender relations were guided by complementarity rather than hierarchy. Social roles were distributed by seniority and capability, not by biological sex. But colonial governance, Christian missionary education, and Victorian morality introduced a rigid gender binary that privileged men and confined women to domestic spaces. Over time, these imported hierarchies became naturalised through everyday life, embedded in school lessons, church sermons, and family advice. In trying to adapt, women themselves became the primary carriers of these colonial ideals, ensuring that new generations inherited not just culture, but the consciousness of subordination.

Consider how early this conditioning begins. Girls are taught to cross their legs, to lower their voices, to serve their brothers first. In school, they are praised for obedience, not curiosity. In churches, they are told that submission is divine. By adolescence, many have learned that to be accepted, they must shrink. When these girls become mothers, they repeat the same lessons, believing it is love. The cycle continues, unchallenged because it wears the familiar face of tradition.

In my ongoing research on Nigerian womanhood, I found that this internalised patriarchy is often maintained most fiercely by those who have suffered under it. A woman who endured silence in her marriage may advise her daughter to do the same. A female employer may hesitate to promote another woman, fearing it will disrupt male expectations. Even among educated women, patriarchal loyalty manifests subtly, in self-doubt, in guilt for ambition, in the reflex to apologise for success. These are not just personal flaws; they are the social symptoms of colonial conditioning.

The tragedy of this pattern is not only that women participate in their own containment, but that they do so believing they are upholding morality, modesty, or “our culture.” Many of the proverbs that shape womanhood in Nigeria, “A woman’s glory is in her husband”, “A quiet woman builds her home”, were once tools of survival in an oppressive order. Today, they are still repeated as wisdom, long after the conditions that produced them have changed.

But there is hope in awareness. Recognising social conditioning is the first step toward feminist reconditioning, a process of deliberate unlearning. This does not mean rejecting all aspects of culture; rather, it means reclaiming those indigenous values that predate colonial distortion. In Yoruba society, womanhood was once associated with strength, intellect, and spiritual authority. Women served as chiefs, traders, priestesses, and advisers. The goal, therefore, is not to erase culture but to recover its egalitarian essence; Yoruba indigenous complementarity.

Feminist reconditioning begins in small, conscious acts. It is the mother who teaches her daughter that her voice is not rebellion but expression. It is the teacher who encourages girls to lead, to question, to imagine. It is the woman who stops apologising for wanting more. And it is the community that learns to value both care and autonomy as shared human responsibilities, not gendered duties.

If patriarchy survives through repetition, then liberation must also be rehearsed, every day, in every home, by every woman who chooses to see differently. We must stop mistaking endurance for strength and silence for peace. We must stop guarding the gates of our own exclusion.

It is time to understand that the fight against patriarchy is not only external. It begins in the mind, in the private scripts we inherited and continue to perform. As women, we cannot dismantle a system we unconsciously protect. The power to unlearn is the power to begin again, to teach our daughters that womanhood is not obedience, but agency; not sacrifice, but choice.

When women stop guarding the gates, the walls will fall.

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Tolulope Victoria Adebileje is a researcher and educator whose work explores colonial social conditioning, internalised patriarchy, and feminist reconditioning in Nigerian womanhood.

Opinion: The Crucible of Conflict: Tracing Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s Repeated Pattern of Accusation and Litigation | By: Gilbert Olanrewaju

Few figures have divided opinions and families across Nigeria as Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan [Kogi Central, PDP] has in the past two weeks. Fewer have navigated controversy and legal brinkmanship with the same unyielding intensity. Her career, marked by a relentless pursuit of influence and a penchant for turning personal grievances into public legal battles, reads like an intriguing but dramatic saga of passion and retribution.

While the media has been inundated with stories about the recent seat arrangement and her unwillingness to follow Senate rules, her latest response is a legal action against the leader of the chambers. In a claim filed by her legal counsel, Victor Giwa, who has emerged as a key figure in her battles, she is demanding N100 billion in general damages for defamation and N300 million in litigation costs.

Therefore, as one delves into her storied past, a clear pattern emerges: For Natasha, leveraging legal threats and high-stakes litigation is not merely a reaction but her stock in trade. Her career underscores a reality where the boundaries between private grievances and public service are frequently blurred.

From the outset, Natasha’s political and personal journey has been anything but conventional. However, her entanglement with her current husband, Chief Emmanuel Oritsejolomi Uduaghan, a man with longstanding political ties and significant business interests, would propel her into an arena of bitter personal disputes and public legal confrontations.

Before her ascent to the Senate, a startling revelation emerged. A document filed by Victor Giwa of Indemnity Partners and dated November 19, 2020, detailed a series of grave allegations, including “breach of promise of marriage, poisoning, foeticide,” and demanded a staggering N10 billion in damages. The letter painted a picture of a woman wronged, claiming she had been instrumental in Chief Uduaghan’s business successes, only to be betrayed.

This legal document, which demanded a staggering N10 billion in damages, was only set aside upon Chief Uduaghan’s eventual acquiescence to marrying her.

This pattern reveals much about her modus operandi. In her view, every slight—small or personal—is a battleground. Her narrative suggests that if one does not comply with her terms, social media becomes the primary venue for settling scores while the courts are the secondary stop. While legally contentious, this stance has become emblematic of her approach to personal and political adversaries.

Central to this saga is the aggressive legal strategy spearheaded by Natasha’s legal teams. In the matter involving her estranged husband, while the document in question was disseminated by Indemnity Partners—with a letter signed by Senior Advocate Chief B. C. Igwilo – it is her legal counsel, Victor Giwa, who has emerged as a key figure in her subsequent battles.

In an explosive twist to the narrative, sources reported that over the past weekend, Natasha threatened the Senate President with immediate legal action if she were summoned before an ethics committee. This threat, articulated as part of her broader strategy, underscores her readiness to deploy social media and court maneuverings as a strategic tool to achieve her goals.

For Natasha, repeatedly invoking legal recourse—whether for alleged breaches of promise in marriage or defamation in the political arena—signals a calculated strategy. Her willingness to escalate personal disputes into highly publicised legal battles is not an aberration but rather a reflection of a broader pattern of behaviour. This behaviour is deeply rooted in the dynamics of power and control, where the courtroom becomes a modern-day arena for settling personal scores and redefining public image.

 Amid the turbulence of personal legal battles and aggressive courtroom manoeuvres, a broader question looms: What is the impact of such high-profile disputes on the sanctity and function of legislative institutions? The Senate, as a crucible of democratic deliberation and policymaking, must be managed with a level of decorum and order that allows for respectful debate and collective progress. When political actors resort to legal intimidation and public threats—such as Natasha’s weekend ultimatum to the Senate President—it undermines the institutional integrity of the legislature.

 The importance of decorum in the Senate cannot be overstated. A legislative body functions not merely as a forum for exchanging ideas but as a symbol of national governance, where order, respect, and adherence to established protocols are paramount. This is the only way scores of representatives of different tribes, regions and faiths with varying interests and opinions can achieve consensus through structured debate and dialogue.

 The infusion of personal vendettas and aggressive legal posturing into this space risks eroding public trust and compromising the effectiveness of the Senate. Therefore, members of the Senate—regardless of their personal grievances or political ambitions—must exercise restraint and uphold the principles of mutual respect and institutional accountability.

 A Senate mired in personal vendettas and legal skirmishes risks compromising its mandate to serve the public interest. The principles of decorum and order are not merely abstract ideals; they are essential to ensuring that legislative debates remain focused on policy and progress rather than devolving into platforms for personal retribution. In this light, the insistence on maintaining a respectful, orderly, and neutral legislative environment is not only a matter of institutional protocol but a fundamental requirement for the health of the nation’s democratic processes.

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Gilbert Olanrewaju writes from Akure, Ondo State

 

Opinion: Tinubu’s Titanic Wahala

‘Titanic’ can mean something that is very big, gigantic or enormous and it was also the name of a ship that sank on its maiden voyage.

When the Titanic sank in 1912 it sank due to a number of avoidable factors: a ship deemed unsinkable that wasn’t fitted with watertight compartments, a ‘unprofessional’ seasoned captain who was apparently bullied into going at full speed through known ice-berg strewn waters, lack of common binoculars for the deck watch and the unavailability of enough life boats for all the passengers.

This all put together, as they say, was a recipe for disaster. Red flags were ignored.

Translating this to President Tinubu’s modern-day Nigeria, the avoidable factors that can sink the country are way too obvious.

Nigerians have long enjoyed the benefits of fuel subsidy. Costly as it is to maintain it’s enabled the economy to keep running by keeping the cost of things low. It’s removal, as can be seen, has created a domino effect, as the experts predicted, resulting in the prices of even the basic commodities skyrocketing as everyone passes on the additional costs. With inflation currently at 32.7% and still rising, things are only going to keep on getting more and more expensive. As a result, the new minimum wage of N70,000 will have less purchasing power than the previous 2021 minimum wage of N30,000. If fuel subsidy removal was meant to boost the economy it has done the opposite and will stagnate any efforts to kickstart it.

The government’s inability to control corruption or severely punish corrupt officials which is robbing the country’s coffers of billions and billions of naira every year is a stumbling block for development. If a corrupt government official who built 750 houses with stolen funds or an ex-governor accused of misappropriating 80 Billion Naira are allowed to walk around freely, supposedly on bail, without fear of eventual conviction, it questions the message the government is sending out to future looters: if the culprits were in Russia or China the outcome will be totally different.

Even though an austerity economic policy may seem harsh like it was designed to rob Peter to pay Paul, it should be short, sharp hardship with green pastures in the foreseeable future – not ever! A good start will be to cut down on the number of foreign loans being obtained every year as their repayment can take a huge chunk out of the country’s annual income.

The new tax laws are long overdue and it should include that VAT earned in a state stays in that state: so, if your state doesn’t generate any VAT (- such as from the sale of alcohol products) you don’t get to share in what other states have collected.

Insecurity in the country is not something that started yesterday. Previous governments have blood on their hands for not nipping these insurrections in the bud before they grew to become monstrosities. You don’t pat yourself on the back, like the Nigerian Army likes to do believing you have the threat ‘under control’ – you eliminate the threat completely using what ever means necessary. Unless the order [ given by ‘Somebody’] is not to destroy them completely and to quote the late Sani Abacha,“…any insurgency that lasts more than 24 hours, a government official has a hand in it..”, no wonder Boko Haram continues to flourish and bandits like Turji Bello continue to taut the government. When the armed robber Lawrence Anini did something similar in 1986 he was fished out within months, tried and executed.

As I’ve written before, the Nigerian Police Force is long past its sell by date and considering the ever growing population of Nigeria with its associated acts of anti-social behaviour, it’s time to seriously consider devolving the NPF into state-run outfits. The growing popularity of state-run security outfits, such as Amotekun, proves this is feasible and effective.

Considering the fact the country is going through severe economic hardship the President, himself, should curb frivolous spending where possible: no more new Presidential yachts or planes ( – that includes the new one for the VP), a cap on ridiculous-no-real-job SA and SSA appointments and most important of all a cap on ALL politicians salaries and perks ( – which is to say if politicians are patriotic enough they’ll agree to a pay cut, forgo some of their benefits and pay for their own jaunts abroad). Implementing the Steve Oronsaye Report which recommends merging and closing of ministries etc that have been passed over by every President since President Goodluck commissioned it in 2011 will cut government operating costs even further. This should not just be at Presidential level but extended to all the states: this will not just streamline the bloated and largely inefficient civil service but will also weed out ghost workers and white elephant projects.

The ‘japa’ movement which the government is trying to discourage should be allowed to continue. It’s morally wrong for a government that can’t provide suitable employment for its citizens to try and prevent them from seeking opportunities abroad : ‘japa’ is not just limited to Nigerians, it’s a worldwide phenomenon. People, British, American ,Filipinos, are migrating worldwide to where ever there are opportunities for them to prosper. That’s the way the world works now: nobody is going to stay in a ‘sh*t-hole’ country if there are no opportunities for them to grow. Scr3w patriotism! It’s every man for himself! So, if a country can’t provide adequate employment opportunities people will pack their bags and ‘japa’! And if you restrict them from leaving the country what are they going to do? Get up to mischief – 419, cultism, kidnapping!

These same people send money back to their home countries all the time: Nigerians in diaspora in 2023 alone sent home more than $19.5 Billion Dollars. This is a huge injection of foreign currency for a country that desperately needs it.

So, just like the Titanic, the warning signs are there and the inevitable that will happen should they be ignored. The question is, which way is President Tinubu going to go. This is what I call the ‘Titanic Wahala’, ignore the obvious and the proverbial will hit the fan, sooner or later.

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You can follow Tony Ogunlowo on Twitter: @Archangel641 or visit http://www.archangel641.blogspot.co.uk

 

Reaching that Elusive Goal | By: Tony Ogunlowo

We all have dreams of where we want to be in Life or what we want to achieve in Life. But for some reason, or reasons, our aspirations become an elusive goal. Despite our best efforts it still remains elusive.

What are we doing wrong?

For the uninitiated Life is too complicated: we live in the matrix whereby outside influences, often beyond our control, dictate how we live our lives. Things like peer pressure, culture, religion and conformity to society’s expectations of us determines how we live. Break away from all this and you are labelled as a non-conformist, or even worse!

The secret to achieving your elusive goals in life is very simple……

….break away!

It’s your life and nobody else’s and if you know what you want you have to make that conscious decision to walk away from the matrix that is holding you back. It kind of echoes the time when Jesus told his first disciples to leave behind everything of their lives as fishermen and follow him: literally just walking away from everything they had and were.

It takes a brave man to leave everything behind and venture into the unknown: but these are the brave men who’ll go on and achieve greatness. They are the ones who discovered that the Earth wasn’t flat, that Man could travel into space or even land on the moon, or risk everything they had – money ,life, reputation – to invent things that have not only made our lives easier but better. Where would we be without electricity, planes, cars, the internet or most important of all – smartphones?

The second secret to reaching your elusive goal is to be a maverick. Being a maverick is entwined with leaving the matrix – not one without the other.

Everybody wants you to conform and be like everybody else. Nobody likes a maverick because they are disruptors and non-conformists who’ll by-pass reason and stake everything on a nonsensical dream or goal.

Perhaps, but they are the ones who are now the multi-millionaires and billionaires re-shaping our world with their crazy inventions and ideas.

The third secret to achieving your elusive goal is Time. How much time are you prepared to devote to going from A to B? A year? 5 years? 10 years? Or are you super-crazy enough to devote the rest of your life to attaining that elusive goal? This is where 99% of people chasing their goals fall off the ladder: they don’t have the time to waste. Some will give it a month, a year or even a few years before they throw in the towel. We are all conscious of time and every morning when we wake up is another day less of our time in this world. We can’t turn back time, slow it down or freeze it : the countdown to our Death-Day started the day we were born.

If you’ve got a dream you can’t keep an eye on the clock: let it click away! (- but also set yourself a reasonable time frame to complete the task). While the clock is ticking away you need to ask yourself a question: do you want to be an old man ( – or woman) on their deathbed regretting the things they could have done in this life but didn’t because they didn’t have enough time? My simple answer to this is I would rather die trying than give up. This way I can go to my grave, with a smile on my face, knowing I gave it my best shot. And if I achieve that elusive goal? Well, roll out the bunting, the party tables and we are going to rock until we drop!

No pain, no gain: you only come to this world, in your current incarnation, once. You are not coming back again. So if you want to do something exemplary, something great or you just want to be the first person in your family to climb Mount Arafat then as the American Marines will say,”…it’s time to haul ass!”


Follow me on Twitter: @Archangel641 or visit http://www.archangel641.blogspot.co.uk

Opinion: Paper versus Digital: The Future of Work | By: Somesh Adukia

One of the most prevalent challenges facing employees working remotely is access to important documents, both digital and physical.

Digitization is revolutionizing the way businesses operate across the globe, and Africa is no exception.

Over the past two years, remote and hybrid arrangements have become the norm in the workplace. We have seen the proliferation of new digital tools and platforms to support hybrid work, such as video conferencing, cloud-based software, and collaboration platforms like Teams and Zoom. IT teams have had to support this transition by providing technical support for these new digital tools and platforms, all the while ensuring cybersecurity and data protection, and managing remote access to company systems and applications.

The challenges of navigating digitization in a hybrid working world

Navigating digitization in a hybrid working model can be challenging for both businesses and IT teams. Research conducted by Walnut Unlimited on behalf of Canon shows that there is a divide between businesses and employees when it comes to hybrid working. While businesses think they are largely digital, employees are experiencing a host of niggling issues.

One of the most prevalent challenges facing employees working remotely is access to important documents, both digital and physical. This, combined with other related issues (such as difficulties with business processes, and having to visit the office to print, pick up or sign documents in person) suggests a wider problem – organizations have not yet completely rebuilt their business processes to function in a virtual environment. As a result, we’re seeing employees struggling to perform basic steps in everyday document-based workflows, like processing invoices or contract approval, when outside of the office.

Moreover, equipping new workspaces has been a major challenge for IT teams.

According to 2021 research conducted by McKinsey, 65% of companies had increased spending on digital and technology during the global pandemic, despite significant cost cutting elsewhere in the business. This suggests that most companies are aware that they need to undertake digital transformation, fast.

According to our report, 71% of IT departments say that solutions that would support their hybrid working are not compatible with their legacy infrastructure. Furthermore, 72% say their printers and scanners used in different locations were not designed to work together.

While companies may have the basics in place, most businesses have yet to rebuild their document-based processes for a new hybrid work. By creating a digital-first culture that empowers employees to work smarter, businesses can help ensure that their digital aspirations are aligned with the everyday work experiences of their workforce.

On the African continent, the challenges that employees face with technology are more complex than regions elsewhere. Some of these challenges are:

  1. Limited internet connectivity in parts of Africa: In many parts of Africa, internet connectivity is limited or unreliable, which can make it difficult to maintain consistent connectivity between employees working remotely and those working in the office.
  2. Limited access to hardware: In some cases, employees may not have access to the necessary hardware, such as laptops or smartphones, to effectively work remotely.
  3. Inadequate IT infrastructure: IT infrastructure in companies may not be equipped to handle the demands of hybrid work.
  4. Security concerns: Hybrid work can create new security risks for companies, particularly when employees are accessing company data and systems from remote locations.
  5. Lack of digital skills and expertise: Many countries face a shortage of skilled professionals in the tech sector, which can be a significant barrier to the adoption of digital solutions.

It’s important for businesses to recognize the unique challenges faced by employees in Africa and work to create solutions that meet their needs. To overcome some of these issues, companies can invest in improving internet connectivity and providing access to digital tools and technology to support remote work.

By addressing these challenges proactively, businesses and IT teams can help ensure a successful transition to a hybrid working model in Africa.

The transition to paperless operations

Despite the adoption of digital technologies in the workspace, businesses have still not moved to paperless operations. While digital solutions have made it less expensive and easier to store, retrieve and share information, paper documents still have a place in many business operations, especially in Africa. A great deal of business on the continent still gets done on paper in the workspace via scanners, printers, photocopy machines and faxes. Many small-to-medium sized business operate in a paper centric environment, using paper as part of their everyday workflow and transactions.

One of the advantages of the blend of paper and digital in the hybrid workplace is its flexibility. The use of digital technologies allows for seamless collaboration across physical locations, while paper documents provide a sense of tangibility and familiarity that can be useful in certain contexts.

To make the most of the blend of paper and digital in the hybrid workplace, businesses must identify which processes require paper documents and which processes can be digitized. This may involve investing in document management systems, scanners, and other technologies that can facilitate the transition to digital workflows while maintaining the use of paper documents in specific contexts.

By identifying which processes require paper documents and which can be digitized, businesses can create a flexible and productive workflow that accommodates both in-person and remote work.


Somesh Adukia is the Managing Director of Canon Central & North Africa

Opinion: May 1: Awaiting a Happier Workers’ Day | By: Most Reverend Emmanuel Adetoyese Badejo

Workers’ Day, May 1st every year all over the world, necessary calls for an evaluation of work, workers and working conditions all around the world. This is because work is one indispensable resource by which God made man and by which man sustains the world. We are told that after all the work, God saw that what he had done was good. For this reason, we know that there is dignity in work and work is really love made visible. It is thus befitting to congratulate workers on this day to congratulate all who provide work and do same to all who provide the conducive environment in which work can be done. Important and fundamental though work is however, too many factors deny millions of workers of the joy and fulfillment which they should derive from the work they do. Regrettably today, conflicts, discrimination, unjust structures, scarcity of jobs, bad management and greed hamper the integral human development that work ought to bring to individuals, family and the society. This, to say the least, is unfortunate and deserves urgent attention.

Integral human development, the ideal of all humanity, will remain a mirage if contentious issues concerning work are not resolved. The Catholic Church teaches that just wages are a legitimate fruit of work. It can be grave injustice to withhold or refuse it. “Remuneration for Work should guarantee man the opportunity to provide a dignified livelihood for himself and his family on the material, social and cultural levels…” .

Governments and people cannot honestly desire peace or authentic development without ensuring just wages for work done. Exploitation of others or their resources, forcing down prices of raw materials, inhospitable conditions of work, unjustly taking over the property belonging to others or the like, impugn human dignity, damage social trust and offend the moral law of God. Conversely, at the personal levels workers too must do just work for the wages they receive in order to fulfil the social contract and in order not to be guilty of dishonesty and stealing.

The Catholic Church has always taught that there is dignity in labour and that work is a vocation with a spiritual dimension. Every worker in some way participates in the divine project of advancing the work of creation. According to Pope Francis, May 1st, each year, the feast of St Joseph the Worker, is the day the Church remembers the world of labour. On that day the Church demands “that work be dignified everywhere and for everyone,” and that the work of men and women everywhere “inspire the will to develop an economy of peace all over the world.” The Church also prays for all those who in the course of their work have lost life, limbs, and property in the course of their work, especially victims of corrupt and unjust systems, that their sacrifice be not allowed to pass in vain.

In Nigeria the condition of most workers remains pathetic. Government insensitivity to the plight and demands of workers like doctors, nurses, teachers, journalists, and security agencies is nothing short of cruel, especially when compared to politicians’ remunerations. This, sadly affects the entire masses who rely on the services which those workers provide. In fact, working conditions in both the public and private sectors yearn for serious and urgent overhauling. Nigeria, so to speak, needs a moral blood transfusion. Nevertheless, with the imminent dispensation, employers and employees must embrace a new “regime of merit” and rebuild the crumbling labour fortress. Only a just relationship driven by dialogue and sensitivity can guarantee an escape from the quagmire of resentment and suspicion which currently characterize the relationship between employees and employers in the country. With that new hope it is still pertinent even today to say to all: Happy Workers Day with hope for a brighter future!


By Most Rev Emmanuel Adetoyese Badejo: Bishop, Catholic Diocese of Oyo.